Venezuela’s Maduro Threatens to Annex Neighboring Oil-Rich Territory

Venezuela's President Nicolás Maduro speaks during the closing campaign ahead of the referendum on the Essequibo territory, in Caracas, Venezuela, on Dec. 1, 2023. PEDRO RANCES MATTEY/AFP via Getty Images

A tug of war over the resource-rich Essequibo territory is on the horizon as Venezuela and Guyana increase the military presence at their shared border.

Essequibo is currently under Guyanese control, but both countries claim it as their own.

Hostilities hit a new high as Venezuelans unilaterally voted to support their country’s claim over the territory in a public referendum on Dec. 3.

Venezuelan dictator Nicolás Maduro celebrated the referendum result with a veiled threat, saying, “This is a historical referendum that has put Venezuela on its feet—and it is now time to gain back what the liberators have left us.”

Guyana had submitted evidence on Nov. 14 to the United Nations’ International Court of Justice (ICJ) that Venezuela plans to seize the disputed region by force, according to Demerara Waves, a Guyana-based media outlet.

Officials from the U.S. military and their counterparts in Guyana met on Nov. 27 and 28, according to the U.S. State Department.

“The U.S. and Guyana defense forces discussed upcoming engagements to include strategic planning sessions and processes to enhance both countries’ military readiness and capabilities to respond to security threats,” the U.S. Embassy in Guyana statement reads.

Supporters of the Chavismo movement take part in a march during the closing campaign ahead of the referendum on the Essequibo territory, in Caracas, Venezuela, on Dec. 1, 2023. PEDRO RANCES MATTEY/AFP via Getty Images

Neighboring Brazil has also moved troops to its shared borders with both countries.

At about 61,600 square miles, Essequibo is slightly larger than the state of New York and makes up about two-thirds of all of Guyana’s territory.

ExxonMobil discovered an important oil reserve there in 2015. After another oil discovery in October, Guyana’s known oil reserves now surpass those of Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates. The discovery brought the centuries-old border dispute back into the spotlight.

Although Venezuela’s Dec. 3 referendum is nonbinding, there are concerns that it might be used to justify aggression. Referendum voters also opposed ICJ jurisdiction over the border dispute.

On Dec. 1, the ICJ ordered Venezuela to refrain from taking any action that would alter Guyana’s control over Essequibo.

After long-running negotiations, the ICJ is currently the authority brokering a solution between Guyana and Venezuela—but its warnings seem to fall on deaf ears, as Caracas keeps issuing threatening rhetoric.

The International Court of Justice in The Hague, the Netherlands, on June 6, 2023. REMKO DE WAAL/ANP/AFP via Getty Images

2 Centuries of Hostility

The origin of the Venezuela–Guyana border dispute goes back to the colonial era and is also influenced by the United States’ Monroe Doctrine—an 1823 warning to European powers to stop colonization in the Western Hemisphere.

In 1814, the British acquired what’s now Guyana from the Dutch.

As a Spanish colony, Venezuela included the Essequibo region. After years of war, Venezuela gained independence from Spain in 1821.

Amid the region’s reshaping, the border with Venezuela was left undefined.

In 1840, Robert Schomburgk, a British explorer, was commissioned to survey the border region and draw a boundary. Known as the Schomburgk Line, this demarcation is the basis of today’s border.

In 1841, in response to the demarcation, Venezuela claimed sovereignty over the Essequibo region, starting the long-standing rift.

The Kaieteur Falls at the Kaieteur National Park in central Essequibo, Guyana, on Sept. 24, 2022. PATRICK FORT/AFP via Getty Images

The United States eventually intervened under the Monroe Doctrine and pressured for an agreement. In 1899, an international court largely favored the British, and settled Essequibo under the Guyanese territory.

In 1962, Venezuela claimed that the 1899 decision was null and void, alleging that the judgment was the result of a political deal.

Guyana became independent in 1966, with the matter remaining unresolved. Since then, there have been continued attempts to settle the dispute.

Venezuela has consistently maintained its claim on the region, despite successive regime changes and shifting ideologies.

Under the socialist dictatorship of Mr. Maduro, Venezuela has grown increasingly assertive over the claims.

Its Dec. 3 referendum consolidated its position and provided a justification to break from the ICJ’s position and current diplomatic channels.

Children leave after school in Port Kaituma, Guyana, on Sept. 22, 2022. PATRICK FORT/AFP via Getty Images

Oil Boom

The discovery of more oil resources in Essequibo has only heightened the stakes in the region.

Guyana is set to become the “world’s fastest-growing economy in 2024,” according to S&P Global Market Intelligence.

Its GDP growth rate is expanding by 27 percent this year and is expected to grow by 34 percent next year, according to S&P.

Despite having only about 830,000 residents, Guyana is poised to become the fourth-largest offshore oil producer in the world, The Associated Press reported in May.

Since then, numerous additional discoveries of new oil reserves have been made. Since 2015, Guyana has made 46 oil discoveries, according to a Reuters report.

With many of the resources tied to Essequibo, interest in the region has surged.

Although Venezuela is already one of the most oil-rich countries in the world, the offshore oil now found in Guyana has superior quality.

A military move by Venezuela could put U.S. interests in the region in danger. U.S. companies ExxonMobil and Hess are among the main offshore explorers and producers that could be affected.

The Venezuelan regime has been sanctioned by the U.S. government for human rights violations, and noncooperation in curbing terrorism and drug trafficking. Its leaders have been indicted by the Department of Justice for a “narco-terrorism” conspiracy to “flood” the United States with narcotics.

Members of the Venezuelan Army Special Forces take part in a military parade in Tumeremo, Venezuela, about 56 miles from the border with Guyana on July 21, 2015. FEDERICO PARRA/AFP via Getty Images

Maduro’s Gamble

Experts say Venezuela’s referendum and the increased assertiveness is an attempt by Mr. Maduro to gain support and drive attention from the regime’s problems amid increased pressure to organize free and fair elections.

Roderick Navarro, a political analyst at the Miami-based PanAm Post, told The Epoch Times that “this referendum is not casual.”

“It comes at a moment when Maduro and Chavismo have a weakness inside the country because of the poverty caused by his administration,” he said.

When opposition to Mr. Maduro’s administration became apparent, the referendum was suddenly scheduled, Mr. Navarro said.

The Venezuelan opposition held a self-organized primary election on Oct. 22. Right-wing politician María Corina Machado won by a landslide with around 90 percent of votes.

Venezuelan elections have long been under scrutiny for lack of transparency. Doubt remains as to whether the country will see a fair vote next year. Ms. Machado is currently barred from officially running in government-organized elections.

A man walks by a mural campaigning for a referendum to ask Venezuelans to consider annexing the Guyana-administered region of Essequibo, in Caracas, Venezuela, on Nov. 28, 2023. FEDERICO PARRA/AFP via Getty Images

According to the state-run media outlet, about 10.5 million Venezuelans voted in the Dec. 3 referendum.

Robert Evan Ellis, a former State Department official and professor at the U.S. Army War College, said the number reflects low participation.

“I think [it] shows the apathy and lack of confidence in the rigged Maduro voting system even in an issue as inherently appealing to Venezuelans as [to] whether they should have claim over oil-rich land,” Mr. Ellis told The Epoch Times.

“The fact that Maduro had to extend the hours of polling stations to two hours to try to get at least some participation up, I think demonstrates the failure of what should have been a surefire, easy win for Maduro.”

Mr. Navarro questioned the 10.5 million figure altogether.

“You can see on the media, on social media, that [amount of people] simply never existed in the lines, at the polling stations,” he said.