Beijing even threatened the diplomatic immunity of Lithuanian officials in the country. To protect them, Lithuania had to pull its embassy staff from China on Dec. 15, leaving Lithuanian citizens and businesses in the country with little diplomatic recourse should the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) target them directly.
Philippe Le Corre, a senior research fellow at Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government, wrote in an email that due to electoral pressures, “both France and Germany are not in a position to compromise” on the China issue.
Le Corre said that French President Emmanuel “Macron is seeking reelection in April,” and he cannot afford to appear as weak. Meanwhile, Germany’s new Chancellor Olaf Scholz will face similar pressures, according to Le Corre, due to the chancellor’s junior status.
Le Corre wrote that “The Lithuania situation has deepened the anti-China sentiment in parts of Europe.” In Lithuania itself, according to Le Corre, the overall attitude remains 50 percent in favor of confrontation with Beijing, and 50 percent in favor of engagement.
The Council will help counter Beijing’s economic coercion and non-market practices, such as extraterritorial sanctions on countries like Lithuania, and subsidies and dumping of cheap goods on foreign markets to destroy their industries. It will give economic muscle to joint U.S. and E.U. values like democracy, human rights, freedom, and privacy.
The U.S.-EU Council will cooperate on, and regulate, artificial intelligence (AI), semiconductors, and new industrial standards—all of which will have effect on the trans-Atlantic relationship with China.
The Council is aimed at strengthening and integrating U.S. and EU supply chains, research and development, export controls, investment screening, and leadership in emerging technologies generally. But it is also designed to use the combined weight of the U.S. and E.U. economies to counter Beijing.
In a joint September statement, the Council said that Washington and Brussels will “seek to strengthen their competitiveness and technological leadership by developing common strategies to mitigate the impact of non-market practices at home and in third countries.”
Nonmarket practices are code for what communist economies, especially Beijing, do in terms of international economic bullying for illiberal political purposes.
Europe is not only depending on greater coordination with the United States, however. It is also strengthening internal EU coordination against Beijing. This will be done in part by following through on the EU goal of combining the continent’s economic power to control foreign access to the bloc’s 27 countries and nearly 450 million consumers.
Dombrovskis acknowledges that the EU sees China as a competitor in commerce and a systemic rival on social and economic matters.
The new laws he advocates, along with closer coordination with the United States, will help European nations defend themselves against Beijing’s retaliatory and predatory trade practices.
Dombrovskis is a former Latvian prime minister, so he knows the threat of communism and dictatorship due to his country’s border with Russia and proximity to Germany. In 1940, the former Soviet Union occupied Latvia, which was then conquered by Nazi Germany. The end of World War II did not mean freedom for Latvians, but rather, a return to the Soviet yoke in 1944.
Today, Russia continues to threaten its neighbors—most seriously nearby Ukraine. A flight from the capital of Latvia to the capital of Ukraine, which is in an ongoing war with Russia over Crimea and its industrial and energy-rich eastern region, called the Donbass, is just 650 miles.
Greater American, European, and allied unity against Moscow and Beijing’s predatory military and economic policies will be critical to defending democracies in the next decade. Dombrovskis supported this goal in June and October where he defused, along with U.S. Trade Representative Katherine Tai, U.S.-EU conflicts over airline and steel subsidies.
Dombrovskis is also in frequent talks with Tai to reform the World Trade Organization (WTO), which is currently being manipulated by Beijing’s unexpectedly persistent hybrid of “capitalism” and state control.
The EU is also exploring tougher rules against China because Beijing excludes European companies from government contracting, and uses tariffs and export blocks against countries like China that use border checks, boycotts, and safety inspections coercively and for illiberal purposes.
Dombrovskis told the Journal that the EU measures “allow us to act in a more autonomous way, if needed,” by using access to the bloc’s economy as an incentive or disincentive to illiberal behavior or those which are against European interests. “We are committed to multilateralism but we are ready to act autonomously,” he said.
While the concentration of trade power in Brussels is in some ways regrettable for economic and political diversity in Europe, it is at the same time necessary for the defense of the continent from the CCP’s authoritarianism.
To ensure that diversity is protected and can return after the threat from Beijing has been removed, Brussels should consider implementation of grandfather clauses so that trade power reverts to the national level. This would encourage the return of small businesses that tend not to survive in competition with large multinational corporations that have an advantage under global free trade.