I began with the study of the Bolshevik revolution in Russia and continued by examining the exportation of Bolshevik variants to Eastern Europe and Asia. Communism was more interesting to me than Nazism and a much more neglected terrain in the U.S. academy. Further, it was more relevant in the current context. In attempting to research leftist political criminality, I was both amazed and enraged at how the academy had buried much of the history. For example, searches for the practices of “struggle sessions” and “autocritique,” which were so prevalent during the Cultural Revolution in China, yielded next to nothing. These and related topics were either not treated or else simply disappeared. I suspected that a vast coverup had been undertaken.
Łobaczewski walks the reader through the process, from beginning to inglorious end. I recognized the patterns that the author takes great pains to lay out. First, readers mistake the writing of schizoidal personalities—like Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, for example—for profundity that they should take seriously:
That is the first mistake. The oversimplified schema of reality—pessimistic regarding human nature and devoid of psychological color—tends to be suggestive, exerting an intense attracting influence on individuals who are insufficiently critical, frequently frustrated as result of downward social adjustment, culturally neglected, or characterized by some psychological deficiencies of their own. Such writings provoke others to harsh criticism based on their healthy common sense, though they also fail to grasp the essential cause of the error.
Interpretations of such “doctrinaire” writing falls into three categories: aversion on the part of many on moralistic grounds; “critically-corrective” acceptance by normal people who incorporate the more valuable elements of the work and “trivialize the obvious errors” while supplementing “the schizoid deficiencies by means of their own richer worldview”; and “pathological acceptance” by those “afflicted with personality malformations or who have been injured by social injustice.” This last type of interpretation “often brutalizes the authors’ concepts and inspires acceptance of violent methods and revolutionary means.” I like to think that my own earlier acceptance of Marxism was of the second type.
The doctrinaire writing of often schizoidal personalities attracts “characteropathic personalities,” who take the ideologies purveyed and “recast them into an active propaganda form, and disseminate it with their characteristic pathological egotism and paranoid intolerance for any philosophies which may differ from their own.” These characteropathic personalities thus take what had circulated in limited circles and activate it on a societal level. Thus, the stage is set for psychopaths to emerge as party leaders.
This pattern matches the facts of historical totalitarianism. And I noted that the pattern holds today, down to the percentage of people that succumbs to totalitarian political ideology as well as the percentage that resists.
The book is both an anomaly and a monumental achievement. It represents the inaugural volume in a new science—ponerology, or the science of evil. It explains the emergence and development of macrosocial evil thoroughly and with scientific precision.
Just how did this book come to be written and this scientific field discovered? Both were born in a living laboratory. Łobaczewski was not only one of the scientists developing its methods. He was also a subject in that laboratory. Łobaczewski came of age under Nazism, during the German occupation of Poland, and later lived under communism. He became a psychologist and, given his clinical understanding of psychopathology, began to descry the psychopathological character of the Communist political system that had overtaken his homeland.
As I have mentioned, in “Political Ponerology,” Łobaczewski intervenes in the science of evil with a methodology that had been thought inapplicable to it—the methodological individualism and materialism of psychology. He claims for this new science of ponerology the prospect of understanding, and more or less remedying, what is among the most pernicious developments in modern history and the source of untold suffering.
Łobaczewski argues that an adequate study of totalitarianism had hitherto been impossible because it had been undertaken in the wrong registers. It had been treated strictly in terms of economics, literature, ideology studies, history, religion, political science, and international politics, among other approaches. One is reminded of the literary accounts and studies of the Soviet Union, the Eastern Bloc, and Nazi Germany—of the classic works by Hannah Arendt, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, Václav Benda, Václav Havel, and many others. These made indispensable contributions but had, owing to no fault of their own, necessarily failed to grasp the root of the problem—namely, the psychopathological dimension of the inception and development of “pathocracy,” or rule by psychopaths.
Like Mises, Łobaczewski considers an appropriate taxonomy crucial to conveying scientific knowledge. He goes to great lengths to explain the necessity of taxonomy and to justify the introduction of objective, scientific terms, as well as the concepts they convey. Every science that enters an unknown territory has had to do the same, the author reminds us. Łobaczewski rightly deems terminology essential to the task of the scientific endeavor at hand because it isolates and defines the elements and provides the tools for controlling them. “I had no choice,” Łobaczewski writes, “but to resort to objective biological, psychological, and psychopathological terminology in order to bring into focus the true nature of the phenomenon.” Such naming, he makes clear, provides the best defense against the development and spread of pathocracy.
Sections of the book say so much that they may seem to convey mere generalities. But the reader must pay close attention as Łobaczewski discusses the normal psychological and psychosocial conditions of individuals and societies so that pathological characters, with their telling characteristics, can be discerned. Only with this knowledge can pathological characters be recognized, and, if possible, prevented from coming into positions of power. Łobaczewski discusses their characteristics with penetrating insight and remarkable lucidity. As I did, the reader living under similar conditions will take note of patterns and will validate the author’s findings by comparison to his or her own experience. The reader will thereby begin to find the defenses against the effects of pathocracy that the author promises. As Łobaczewski writes, “With reference to phenomena of a ponerogenic nature, mere proper knowledge alone can begin healing individual humans and helping their minds regain harmony.” Reading “Political Ponerology” thus constitutes an extended therapy session for those struggling to maintain their own sanity and humanity in the midst of insanity and inhumanity. It did for me.