Tiananmen Square Survivor Shares Harrowing June 4 Experience on 35th Anniversary

Hundreds of thousands of Chinese gather in Tiananmen Square around a 10-meter replica of the Statue of Liberty (C), called the Goddess of Democracy, on June 2, 1989. Catherine Henriette/AFP via Getty Images

This year marks the 35th anniversary of the June 4 Tiananmen Square incident. A surviving student leader from Tsinghua University, now residing in the United States, shared his harrowing experiences with The Epoch Times, shedding light on events leading up to the tragic massacre and recounting his escape from death and subsequent incarceration.

The CCP’s launch of its “reform and opening-up” policy in 1978 aroused public outrage for enabling instances of corruption, profiteering, and the exploitation of privilege within the party ranks. Raising people’s awareness of this systemic dysfunction became the focus of the “1986 Student Demonstration.” From Dec. 5, 1986, to Jan. 2, 1987, student protestors demanded political reform and voiced their aspirations for democratic rule.

In retrospect, Mr. Li believes these demonstrations were the historical cause leading up to the Tiananmen Square tragedy.

Following the student demonstrations, former Communist leader Deng Xiaoping convened a meeting with fellow CCP leaders and reformers Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang at his home. Deng characterized the student unrest as significant and advocated against the adoption of Western democracy or the implementation of a system of separation of powers.

Noted for his progressive sentiments that favored Western democracy, Mr. Hu was criticized for supporting the student movement and was forced to resign as General Secretary of the CCP in January 1987. Mr. Zhao was named as his replacement.

Two years later, on April 15, 1989, Mr. Hu died. Subsequently, he was recognized for his courageous support of the student movement during memorial activities and gatherings in Tiananmen Square. His passing reignited calls for democracy, freedom, and the denouncement of official corruption, which became the core demands of the students.

At that time, Mr. Li was enrolled at Tsinghua University and was the president of the student union of a department. He stated that on April 22, tens of thousands of Beijing students gathered outside the east gate of the Great Hall of the People, where Mr. Hu’s memorial service was held. Later, three student representatives knelt on the steps outside the east gate, presenting a petition to the CCP authorities. The petition’s focus was on re-evaluating Mr. Hu’s legacy, ensuring freedom, and combating official corruption.

Students Ignored 

After learning the authorities ignored the student’s petition, Mr. Li became outraged and called on students to strike, marking the first time a student union had engaged in this resistant behavior.

Reflecting on this pivotal moment, Mr. Li recounted how the Tsinghua University Party Committee swiftly reached out to him upon hearing of the strike. “They initially believed it to be an independent student initiative under the banner of the student union. I made it clear: I was aware of and endorsed the decision,” Mr. Li stated firmly.

Explaining his rationale, Mr. Li said, “I told them, the students knelt to present a petition, but no one came out to receive it. Is this a government of the people? Of course, we should strike and protest.” Since young, every Chinese child has been taught that the CCP government is the only government on earth for people. Recognizing his unwavering stance, the Party Committee intervened to halt further discussion.

Recalling a personal connection amidst the tumultuous events, Mr. Li revealed, “The individual who contacted me was Chen Xi, then head of the Party Committee’s Student Department. Today, he serves as Xi Jinping’s chief of staff and the president of the Central Party School. We shared a camaraderie during those times.” Following the strike, students united in protest marches, amplifying their voices further.

Dissent Percolates

On April 26, 1989, the CCP’s mouthpiece, People’s Daily, published an editorial on its front page, stating the need to oppose turmoil. The paper claimed that a small number of people with ulterior motives were plotting to overthrow the CCP and the current political system.

This angered the students, leading to protests in several cities that night, with tens of thousands of students marching in Beijing the next day.

From May 16 to 18, millions of Beijing residents and people from all walks of life took to the streets, creating the largest demonstration in Beijing’s history. Some members of democratic parties also wrote to the CCP leadership, affirming the students’ demands. More than 1,000 intellectuals in Beijing jointly issued the “May 16 Declaration,” supporting the students.

On May 17, the CCP Politburo Standing Committee met at Deng Xiaoping’s home, where Deng proposed implementing martial law in Beijing. During the discussion of the martial law plan that evening, Mr. Zhao, now the CCP’s general secretary, expressed his unwillingness to enforce martial law.

Mr. Zhao visited Tiananmen Square on May 19, urging students to end their hunger strike. He said, “Students, you are still young, and the future is long. We are already old, and it doesn’t matter for us.” This was Mr. Zhao’s last public appearance. Later, he was stripped of all his leadership positions within the party and placed under house arrest for 16 years until his death in 2005.

The following day, the CCP State Council announced martial law, deploying 250,000 troops from across China into Beijing.

Undeterred, another massive demonstration erupted in Beijing on May 23; protestors chanted, “Premier Li Peng must step down.”

To help protect the students assembled in Tiananmen Square, Mr. Li Hengqing recalled that many citizens had attempted to block the parade of military vehicles from entering the city.

On June 1, Li Peng submitted a report to the CCP Politburo, labeling the demonstrators as terrorists and counter-revolutionaries. The CCP Ministry of State Security also falsely claimed that U.S. military units were involved in the student movement, hoping to overthrow the CCP regime.

Tanks Roll In

Mr. Li recounted, “On the night of June 3, the army drove tanks into the city, openly killing people on Chang'an Avenue. Subways were turned into troop carriers. At that time, we didn’t know how suddenly so many soldiers appeared from the Great Hall of the People and the History Museum. Beijing’s underground passages were interconnected, and they had already stationed soldiers there. The tanks were so brutal that they chased students and ran over them.” Mr. Li lamented. ”Among the casualties was Fang Zheng, who lost his legs under a tank and now lives in San Francisco, a living testament to the brutality of that night.”

At that time, Mr. Li was the commander-in-chief of the student movement at Tsinghua University. He required temporary medical attention in the hospital and was called to the Square.

“Tiananmen Square was ablaze, and the tanks had already charged in. It was the first time I saw tanks; they moved very quickly and knocked roadblocks away in an instant,” he said. “It felt like a massacre. The sky was like a web of light. Later, we learned that a machine gun magazine holds nine real bullets and one tracer bullet, which draws a trail of light. Suddenly, the military seemed to emerge from underground, everywhere. But the students held on. I estimated there were at least 20,000 to 30,000 students in the Square.”

Evacuation and Survival

Mr. Li recalled the critical juncture when the determination among protesters shifted from readiness to die on-site to the urgent necessity of surviving. “We were still at the Monument to the People’s Heroes in Tiananmen Square. At that time, we were determined to die in the Square. After the military opened fire, many wounded were brought to a makeshift triage station in the northeast corner of Tiananmen Square.”

Describing the dire circumstances, Mr. Li recounted that hospitals were not allowed to send medical aid to the Square, and no ambulances were present. So, many wounded and deceased were piled up in the makeshift medical station.

“Beijing residents were loading the casualties onto three-wheeled carts. Taxis crammed with the wounded, even stacking them onto the hoods of cars. I saw a student carrying his classmate, begging the doctor to let him get on one of the vehicles. The doctor looked and said, ‘No, he’s beyond help.’ The classmate cried, kneeling and pleading with the doctor. The doctor said, ‘No, really, there’s no hope.’ When I went over to see, I saw a large hole in his chest, and it was clear he couldn’t be saved.”

“At that time, we weren’t afraid of death; we just wanted to die there. But later, when we calmed down, we realized that we had to get these students out of there—they were the seeds of democracy.” Mr. Li recounted that with this pivotal shift in mindset, the evacuation of Tiananmen Square began.

He said the organized retreat was through an exit opened at the southeast corner of Tiananmen Square before dawn. However, with many remaining in the Square, including civilians, Mr. Li returned to urge further retreat with tanks ominously trailing 20 meters (65 feet) behind them, emitting billows of black smoke. A temporary patrol team was swiftly formed, guiding individuals to safety amidst the looming threat of tanks and armed soldiers.

Pulled to Safety by a “Divine Hand”

As the protesters began their retreat, some students and citizens remained resolute in not wanting to abandon their cause amidst the prevailing turmoil. “The atmosphere was charged with emotion as both civilians and students grappled with the magnitude of lives lost.”

Mr. Li recounted how a group of navy soldiers emerged beneath Zhengyang Gate, chanting provocative slogans like “Bad guys go away!” Incensed by this, many citizens voiced their outrage, condemning the soldiers as heartless oppressors. Suddenly, a burst of gunfire erupted, and the sailors charged forward. “The moment I heard the gunfire, I froze—it was happening right behind me. I was facing the students and citizens, holding a loudspeaker and shouting, ‘We’ve shed enough blood. We need to stay alive!’ At that moment, I was at a loss, just standing there. Suddenly, several hands grabbed me, lifting me up and running, pulling me to safety. I owe my life to those who shielded me from harm.”

Following his escape, Mr. Li embarked on a life of clandestine evasion, evading capture until he was eventually apprehended and incarcerated in Beijing’s Qincheng Prison alongside other dissidents. Released a year later, he endured immense hardship before seeking refuge abroad.

Somberly reflecting on the 35th anniversary of the June 4 tragedy, Mr. Li believes that “China is about to change, and the CCP won’t last much longer.”

He said “Although the current situation in China is terrible. Many people have been brainwashed and still believe in the CCP’s deceptive propaganda. But we are counter-brainwashing, telling the truth, and revealing the facts, striving to awaken the masses to the realities of the CCP’s oppressive rule.”

Mr. Li remains hopeful that concerned citizens and honest media outlets like The Epoch Times will continue to expose the atrocities that occur when a country launches armed attacks against unarmed citizens, treating their deaths as an inconvenience to the regime.