NEWS ANALYSIS
A heavy human cost from Canada’s inability to contain money laundering is the fentanyl opioid crisis, which resulted in 2,400 deaths in the first nine months of 2018 alone, based on data released April 10 by the Public Health Agency of Canada.Much recent media coverage suggests Canada’s problem in dealing with money laundering is less about a lack of laws or regulations; instead, it has more to do with a shortage of experienced crime-fighting resources, B.C. politicians not acting decisively, and the challenges in prosecuting the crime.
“In the context of the fentanyl crisis and related problems, China appears not to be motivated to assist the United States, Canada, and the Western world in any material respect,” said David Harris, a veteran lawyer involved in criminal and national security issues, in an interview.
Inadequate Law Enforcement
But Canada has its own basic issues in enforcing its laws and, as such, is being criticized by the United States.Chinese Cooperation ‘Improbable’
Just prior to the marked deterioration of relations between Canada and China following the arrest in Vancouver of Huawei executive Meng Wanzhou last December, Global News reported that Canadian police were getting frustrated with the lack of cooperation from Chinese authorities on the fentanyl crisis.A policing expert previously told Global News that criminal gangs in China are able to thrive because the communist regime, military, and police forces have looked the other way. An unknown proportion of Chinese-made fentanyl is produced in state-regulated factories.
Harris says, given that China is a totalitarian police state, it is prepared to spy on everyone and everything, “making it improbable that the Chinese security authorities and their masters would not be fully aware of what is transpiring on the fentanyl front.” He adds that the communist regime is essentially condoning the catastrophe in North America.
But official channels give the impression that progress is being made between Canada and China.
“RCMP works closely with Chinese authorities to investigate and disrupt the illegal export of fentanyl to Canada,” said Duval, adding that they continue to exchange information and investigate leads.
Further doubt can be tacked on Canada’s ability to stem the flow of fentanyl from China when considering the U.S.’s frustration.
Smith’s stance is vindicated by China’s Narcotic Control Commission deputy director Liu Yuejin’s denial of culpability for the U.S. fentanyl crisis. Liu put the onus on the United States to provide evidence for its accusations and to improve its own enforcement.
The U.S. Department of State also reports of “significant shortcomings” in China’s implementation of anti-money laundering (AML) laws, especially in the context of international cooperation.
Different Approaches
Ill-begotten money has to enter the banking system to appear clean. Media reports note that over $2 billion in sales of fentanyl has been laundered through B.C. casinos or real estate from 2013 to 2017.In the case of real estate, with a loan from a Chinese underground bank and proceeds from fentanyl sales, a drug dealer can make payments on a mortgage from a Canadian bank. Then once the property is sold, all the money is in the Canadian banking system washed clean. The real estate lawyer for the home purchase doesn’t need to reveal the identity of the buyer.
Money laundering is difficult to prosecute for a number of reasons, none the least of which is the international nature of the crime. Dealing with shell companies and underground banks in opaque countries like China is difficult, time-consuming, and requires special training.
Varying opinions exist on how Canada should deal with the problem. Denis Meunier from the C.D. Howe Institute suggests creating a central corporate registry that contains the true ownership of corporations. The registry should be a one-stop, public search tool.
“Unless you want a surveillance state, there is little one can do,” Hodgson said about situations like property owners who can hide their identities by arranging for family members to hold titles, holding companies where the sole director is an intermediary like a lawyer, and offshore companies and trusts in tax havens that do not share information about company ownership.
Hodgson urges B.C. to get its house in order: The answer is not more laws and regulations, which result in delays and higher prices for services.
“There is room for improvement before we make law-abiding citizens’ lives more difficult. The province can also utilize the great deal of information already at its disposal but which has been sitting idle,” he wrote in an op-ed.
Harris says a public registry of owners could be useful, assuming other lawful means of ensuring appropriate disclosure have already been exhausted.
B.C.’s provincial government under Christie Clark has been roundly criticized for its anemic attempts at cracking down on money laundering. It’s almost a conflict of interest of sorts, as government coffers benefit from the province attracting money—dirty as some of it may be.
“The propensity of money on the scale of which we’re dealing, especially in British Columbia … can quickly translate itself into political and community power and influence,” Harris said.
A confluence of factors has made the toll from the fentanyl crisis in Canada and the United States reach catastrophic proportions. Questionable cooperation from China and a lack of coordination and resources make the outlook appear bleak in Canada for the time being.