Anyone with a clear mind knows that “political fear” stems from a totalitarian system that lacks freedom of speech. However, few realize that the Chinese community in the UK still hasn’t attained “freedom from fear” despite the UK’s commendable record on human rights.
So will the Chinese voters cast untrustworthy ballots in the UK’s democratic system?
The answer is that voters cannot make free choices if they are not free.
We also understand that various fears, originating from religion, family rules, and traditions, are part of human society. But political fear arises from man-made political systems. In a democratic nation, people can strive for “freedom from fear” by improving the system through elections and political change. However, in a totalitarian state, political fear is a tool of governance—an unchangeable reality.
Chinese people living in the UK find themselves caught between these two systems. To be precise, though they live in a democratic nation, they remain under the influence of China’s authoritarian system, where free speech is suppressed. This migrant community has spread across many countries with their own Chinatowns, and their numbers are no less than those of refugees fleeing war. There are more than 500,000 Chinese in the UK alone, and the number is growing.
For nearly a century, generations of Chinese people have lived under imperial rule and authoritarian regimes, making political fear a deep-seated mark on their psyche, passed down from generation to generation. Particularly under the nearly 80 years of communist rule, the Chinese have been molded into “cogs in the state machine” and obedient tools that follow the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Mao Zedong established this fear-driven system. When China opened up to the world, many Chinese settled in the UK, but the mental shackles of their indoctrination remain. They are still cogs in the Chinese machine. Their pride stems from China’s strength.
To stay close to China, Chinese people in the UK have formed various hometown associations, expressing to the Chinese regime that they are not British, but overseas Chinese who long to return to their homeland. Their life goal is to gradually “Sinicize” the UK, even bringing elements such as red envelopes and dumplings from the Chinese New Year into 10 Downing Street. The British have failed to distinguish between traditional Chinese culture and communist culture, which are often intertwined.
In China, people cannot form groups, hold activities, or openly celebrate British holidays. Even a parchment copy of the Magna Carta, which was scheduled to be displayed at Renmin University of China in Beijing in October 2015, was locked away at the British Embassy for fear that students might read and understand it. At around the same time, CCP leader Xi Jinping was riding in a royal carriage and staying at Buckingham Palace. There has never been a true cultural exchange between the UK and China—only one-sided political influence.
Chinese people in the UK Parliament dare not read independent British newspapers or bring politically sensitive books back to Beijing. If discovered, they risk losing business connections or disappearing altogether. As a result, they cling even more tightly to their inner fears to avoid falling into the trap of freedom. Even after obtaining British citizenship, most Chinese still live under the CCP’s political culture.
There is no doubt that the collective self-deception of the Chinese community has been supported by both the British government and the Chinese regime. Unfortunately, the UK’s democratic freedom is being weakened by totalitarian politics. When Hong Kong needed the protection of the Sino-British Joint Declaration, the UK had already lost its political authority and was reduced to a “department of economic trade” under Chinese control.
Many countries have abandoned efforts to push China to respect human rights, instead justifying their pursuit of stable trade relations. We have also seen how the Chinese Embassy, through lobbying by the Chinese in the UK, has rendered the British government powerless to influence the situation in Hong Kong. Jimmy Lai, the founder of Apple Daily and a British citizen, has a spirit of freedom but is imprisoned in a place where freedom is absent.
In the Chinese communities of democratic nations, although some privately resent the authoritarian regime, there are still others who, influenced by the CCP’s propaganda against democratic systems, do not have much appreciation for democracy. This confirms that economic power can reshape the political landscape. With control of global supply chains, the CCP can strangle the political systems of any nation. The Belt and Road Initiative has positioned overseas Chinese as consultants and friendly envoys, reconnecting their umbilical cord with China and influencing European countries.
So will democratic nations fall into an era of CCP authoritarianism, a political issue more alarming than the Russia–Ukraine war? We can already see it: Transnational repression and infiltration of democratic systems have altered party decision-making, as seen in countries such as the United States and Thailand.
The world is now facing various conflicts and wars, and everyone could become a refugee. Migrants carry with them their religious and political cultures, especially the Chinese. It’s more accurate to say that many Chinese people living in London are still residing in Chinatowns, where democracy isn’t needed and freedom is barely understood. They take pride in China’s strength, feel anger when the UK criticizes China, and strive to align with Beijing’s stance. They also lobby politicians, promoting the idea that China’s authoritarian system and hot pot culture will bring wealth.
However, the Chinese diaspora knows that simply posting a human rights message in democratic Britain—such as mentioning shrinking freedoms in Hong Kong, genocide in Xinjiang region, the Tiananmen Square massacre, or calling for the release of artist Gao Yisheng—could lead to being tracked by the Chinese regime. Most Chinese-speaking individuals live in fear. No one dares to write, even in a WeChat group, “We want freedom from fear,” a phrase already inscribed in the Declaration of Human Rights. Most Chinese immigrants develop a dependency on the system to avoid political fear, a survival rule in Chinese communities. Hence, many join various associations to collectively report their contributions to China from the UK, ensuring their and their family’s safety and financial security.
The political fear brought by the CCP’s censorship does not connect with the freedoms of British society. This unique survival mechanism of the Chinese in democratic nations will create more intense political conflicts. The Chinese regime will speed up its infiltration of British governmental and social exchanges, flooding Chinese communities with state-sponsored propaganda.
Confucius Institutes and universities will gradually become bases resisting free speech. In September, China’s ambassador to the UK, Zheng Zeguang, went to Cambridge University to encourage students to serve the motherland, fueling the fear of those who have developed a sense of freedom. Students who support British democracy are branded as traitors to China, and their families’ businesses could be shut down. If the CCP punished even a billionaire such as Jack Ma for his words, how can small business owners afford to speak up?
The political fear of China’s red authoritarianism makes it difficult for young Chinese to think independently. Chinese state media’s propaganda in the UK further stifles students’ passion for free expression. Professors teaching in Chinese universities also fear for their safety if they spread democratic values. The CCP’s fear of freedom, which it believes could topple its regime, has built a sophisticated internet censorship system, surpassing the political allegories of Orwell’s imagination.
It’s clear that the fear brought by the CCP, like a trainer’s whip for a wild beast, won’t vanish simply because the Chinese community has moved to a democratic society. This invisible fear remains. The Chinese first become silent about the “freedom from fear” and then become accustomed to the fear itself. Many of them, having built businesses under China’s system, are simultaneously British passport holders and living hostages of authoritarian violence. Political fear, like a Trojan horse, penetrates Chinese micro-communities, which will, in turn, affect British society at large, making it even harder for Chinese immigrants to muster the courage to seek freedom. As China’s economic and trade power in the UK grows, these immigrants will be even more hesitant to demand freedom from fear.
Democratic countries such as the UK face increasing political temptations from Xi Jinping’s followers among the overseas Chinese. More and more Chinese people are visiting the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, listening to Xi’s speeches on establishing a new world order, and returning to the UK to act as intermediaries, influencing policies in industries ranging from factories to real estate to Parliament.
To protect British democratic traditions, we must be wary of media outlets that promote CCP propaganda. At the same time, we should urge the Chinese regime to stop its internet surveillance and censorship of the Chinese community in the UK. Any economic benefits Britain seeks from China will come at a political cost. The authoritarian regime won’t give out free economic gifts unless Xi himself falls into a political depression.
Political fear is the sword hanging over the heads of Chinese people in the UK. The British government must remove this fear and help these tens of thousands of British passport holders become free citizens. Otherwise, it will be complicit with China’s authoritarian rulers.
