Personal Life
Morris was born on Jan. 30, 1752, on the family estate of Morrisania, in what is now the New York City borough of the Bronx. His father, grandfather, and uncle had held a collection of important colonial offices. He received his unusual first name from his mother, who was born Sarah Gouverneur.In 1768, he earned his bachelor’s degree from King’s College (now Columbia University). As was true of Alexander Hamilton, he was converted there to the colonial cause against Britain. After college, he clerked in the office of a leading New York City attorney and was admitted to the bar.
In 1775, he was elected to the New York Provincial Congress, the assembly charged with erecting a government for New York divorced from British influence. As a member of the Provincial Congress, the young man assisted in writing his state’s first constitution. In May 1776, the New York legislature elected him to the Second Continental Congress, then sitting in Philadelphia. He didn’t arrive until October, but then served about two years. After leaving Congress, he continued to reside and practice law in Philadelphia.
Morris’s Constitutional Views
On the Founding-era political spectrum discussed in the first essay in this series, Gouverneur Morris was a “high nationalist,” holding positions similar to those of Alexander Hamilton, although somewhat less extreme. In Morris’s view, the central government should enjoy almost unlimited power over the states. It should contain a single chief executive elected indirectly for life, with power to appoint national officers and an absolute veto over legislation. It also should feature a bicameral legislature with both houses apportioned according to measures of wealth and population.Morris believed the lower house should be elected by the people, but that an aristocracy—either of birth or merit—was inevitable, and should be represented by the Senate. Senators should be appointed by the executive for life. They should have authority to initiate tax bills. They also should be eligible for executive office, thus replicating a British practice most Americans derided as “corruption.”
Morris thought a ban on ex post facto laws (retroactive criminal laws) was unnecessary, and he favored ratification of the Constitution by a single national convention instead of conventions held in separate states.
Morris’s Constitutional Contributions
Morris’s fellow commissioners firmly rejected most of his “high nationalist” ideas. In later years, his vision of vast federal landholding did materialize—but only in defiance of the Constitution as actually written. (pdf)Hamilton and Morris reacted very differently to their colleagues’ rejection of high nationalism. Hamilton went missing for six weeks and then moderated his participation. Morris remained for the entire time and participated in very useful ways.
For example, he was a major architect of the presidential-election system. He made the motions that led to several other provisions, including the Suspension Clause (Article I, Section 9, Clause 2), the Full Faith and Credit Clause (Article IV, Section 1), and the Property Clause (Article IV, Section 3, Clause 2).
As the proceedings wore on, Morris became more protective of the states; he opposed a congressional veto over state laws and advocated equal representation in the Senate. Sometimes, he changed his views, as when he admitted that the president should be impeachable after previously arguing the contrary.
Morris spoke more than any other delegate. His wit and humor made his colleagues’ task easier. An illustration: To emphasize that dependent people tend to vote for those on whom they’re dependent, he observed, “In Religion the Creature is apt to forget its Creator; ... it is otherwise in political affairs.”
On the subject of slavery, this conservative New Yorker-turned-Pennsylvanian was a radical. On Aug. 8, 1787, he launched a furious attack on slavery on the floor of the convention. Here’s part of James Madison’s report of his speech:
“He never would concur in upholding domestic slavery. It was a nefarious institution—It was the curse of heaven on the States where it prevailed. Compare the free regions of the Middle States, where a rich & noble cultivation marks the prosperity & happiness of the people, with the misery & poverty which overspread the barren wastes of Va. Maryd. & the other States having slaves. ... Proceed Southwdly, & every step you take thro' [the] great regions of slaves, presents a desert increasing with [the] increasing proportion of these wretched beings.
The Committee of Style
As explained in the seventh essay in this series, the convention adopted resolutions outlining a constitution and then turned those resolutions over to a five-man “Committee of Detail” to prepare a first draft. Chairing that committee was John Rutledge of South Carolina, one of the convention’s great facilitators.These five were among the most talented members of a very talented gathering.
The committee delegated the actual drafting to Morris. As Madison later remarked, a better choice couldn’t have been made.
Subsequent Life
Morris didn’t play a significant role in the Constitution’s ratification. He returned to his business, and in furtherance of that business departed for France in late 1788. He stayed in France for a decade, circulating at the highest levels of society. President George Washington designated him as America’s “minister plenipotentiary” in 1792, and he served in that capacity for two years. He also carried on a love affair with novelist Adelaide (or Adèle) de Flahaut, who had been the mistress of the famous French foreign minister Tallyrand.Conclusion
Morris’s contributions to the Constitution were limited to his convention role. His colleagues rejected his “high nationalist” philosophy, but he continued to participate. He authored several of the Constitution’s clauses. His humor helped keep the proceedings going. And, most importantly, his inspired drafting produced a prodigy: a fairly precise legal document that also was beautifully written—indeed, so beautifully written that some in later generations falsely assumed that it couldn’t be very precise.Through his eloquence, Morris converted a mere legal instrument into one of the most memorable documents in the history of the world.