Russia Is a Rogue State

Russia Is a Rogue State
Russian President Vladimir Putin chairs a meeting with members of the government via a video conference at the Kremlin in Moscow on July 19, 2023. Alexander Kazakov/Sputnik/AFP via Getty Images
Anders Corr
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Commentary

Russian hackers have close links to the Russian government, to the point of taking orders from Moscow on who to attack and leave alone. Some of the attacks are politically motivated by Russian state goals, while others are purely for financial gain. Nearly all are apparently with the tacit approval of the Kremlin.

A Financial Times report on Aug. 5 by Misha Glenny, author of the forthcoming book “The Billion Dollar Heist,” details the government-criminal links in Moscow.

Estonia, for example, was an early Russian state target acted upon by the country’s cybercriminals. Their attacks came in retaliation for the capital city of Tallinn moving a Soviet-era statue that memorialized the Red Army from the city center to a cemetery. This infuriated Russian President Vladimir Putin, who apparently sicced his cybercriminals against the European democracy.

Because Russia reportedly fears the offensive power of U.S. cyber capabilities, and Washington has made clear to Mr. Putin its willingness to retaliate with those capabilities, Moscow ruled against Russian criminal cyberattacks on U.S. infrastructure and government entities, including at the local and state levels. The United Kingdom and Canada have similar cyber strengths and, therefore, cyber protections.

But other countries lack that level of deterrence against Russian attacks.

Just a month before the Russian invasion of Ukraine, according to Mr. Glenny, “a raft of powerful attacks against [the] Ukrainian government, military and media networks helped convince the U.S. intelligence community that Russia was about to invade Ukraine.”

Ever since, Russian ransomware groups have apparently aided Mr. Putin’s war efforts by acting on tips and vulnerability information provided by the Russian government regarding targets in Europe. The cyber gangs are making money and helping “Mother Russia,” according to an expert quoted in the Financial Times.

Hundreds of billions of dollars worth of costs are suffered annually because of cyberattacks. The Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies estimates the global costs to be nearly a trillion dollars annually.

Russian cyber criminality includes locking up a company’s data, threatening to publish compromising material on the internet, and rapidly rising credit card fraud. Globally, credit card fraud amounted to over $30 billion in 2021 and is expected to rise to over $40 billion in 2026.

Moscow’s participation in protecting Russian and Belarusian cybercriminals as a source of business for what amounts to a Russian cyber mafia adds to the many reasons why the country is widely considered a rogue state.

In April, Michael Kimmage called Russia “Putin’s Rogue State” in a Wall Street Journal opinion. Mr. Kimmage is the author of a forthcoming book published by Oxford University Press titled “Collision: The War in Ukraine and the Origins of the New Global Instability.”
U.S. journalist Evan Gershkovich, arrested on espionage charges, stands inside a defendant's cage before a hearing to consider an appeal on his extended detention, at The Moscow City Court in Moscow, on June 22, 2023. (Natalia Kolesnikova/AFP via Getty Images)
U.S. journalist Evan Gershkovich, arrested on espionage charges, stands inside a defendant's cage before a hearing to consider an appeal on his extended detention, at The Moscow City Court in Moscow, on June 22, 2023. Natalia Kolesnikova/AFP via Getty Images

Mr. Kimmage mentions Russia’s arbitrary arrests of Journal reporter Evan Gershkovich and Alexei Moskalev, whose only crime was to be the father of a 12-year-old girl who drew an anti-war picture.

“The message to the United States is that its norms and ethical standards do not apply to Russia, because Mr. Putin has the power to do whatever he wants,” Mr. Kimmage wrote. “The Russian government does not necessarily need to arrest a dozen Evan Gershkoviches or a dozen Alexei Moskalevs to get its way, but it needs to show itself to be morally and legally capable of anything.”

Eurasia Group, a U.S. political consultancy founded by Ian Bremmer, called “Rogue Russia” its top risk for 2023.

Mr. Bremmer and Eurasia Group chairman Cliff Kupchan note that “a rogue Russia represents a geopolitical crisis of the highest order. It’s a threat to global security, Western political systems, the cybersphere, space, and food security … not to mention every Ukrainian civilian.”

The authors’ second top risk is “Maximum Xi,” referencing Chinese leader Xi Jinping’s support for Russia. “Xi’s personal affinity for Putin will limit how closely China is willing to align with the developed world—and even, in the worst-case scenarios, with developing countries—in response to increasingly rogue behavior by Russia (please see risk #1) that threatens global peace and stability,” they write.

Rogue states like Russia, China, Iran, North Korea, Burma (Myanmar), Syria, Afghanistan, Venezuela, and Cuba have certain characteristics in common. They snub the international rules-based order led by the United States, European Union, Japan, and other like-minded allies that promote free markets, democracy, and human rights. They mistreat their own citizens, sometimes to the point of genocide, including against Ukrainians under Russian control, Uyghurs and Falun Gong in China, and the Rohingya in Burma.

These rogue states deserve an international downgrade from the status of sovereign nations to the status of terrorists, like the ISIS terrorist group. When the international community shows them respect by according them equal status to their own democracies, they tacitly legitimize their criminality. This failed strategy of engaging the world’s most dangerous rogue regimes must end.

Views expressed in this article are opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.
Anders Corr
Anders Corr
Author
Anders Corr has a bachelor's/master's in political science from Yale University (2001) and a doctorate in government from Harvard University (2008). He is a principal at Corr Analytics Inc., publisher of the Journal of Political Risk, and has conducted extensive research in North America, Europe, and Asia. His latest books are “The Concentration of Power: Institutionalization, Hierarchy, and Hegemony” (2021) and “Great Powers, Grand Strategies: the New Game in the South China Sea" (2018).
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