The elite university admissions scheme scandal broke on a Wednesday. By the following Saturday, The Wall Street Journal had published 21 articles about it.
One story, four days, 21 articles.
After seven days, that number reached 30. Why did the scandal spark such a high degree of outrage?
This scandal is an injustice that rightly elicits outrage that goes beyond what is justified for a mere violation of civil law. Opinions start to divide, however, on the question of what caused this scandal and, further, what should be done about it. That division is a disagreement about political justice.
The Claim of Social Justice
There are two forms of political justice that prevail in our country today, two different understandings of what we owe one another. One is the idea of social justice. Its adherents believe that society at large is rigged toward favoring some groups over others. Justice, therefore, consists in correcting society’s biases through arbitrary rules that favor the disadvantaged.This diagnosis of the disease is wrong. Society cannot be divided into clearly distinguishable groups as easily as social justice warriors believe.
How many other people—whites, blacks, and every shade in between—in the United States today are in a similarly convoluted position? I myself had relatives who fought on both sides of the Civil War, and many—like Harris’s family—came to the United States after slavery was abolished. It is a justice problem that even Solomon could not solve.
The most important reason, though, why we should reject the social justice understanding of political justice is that its rationale is exactly the same as that of the claim that elite families are above the law.
The Claim of Justice From America’s Founding
The U.S. founders articulated the other idea of justice that prevails in this country. It is inimical to the idea that political justice should be based on group identity of any sort.An often overlooked and underappreciated clause in the Constitution reads: “No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States.” That one little clause—emboldened by the ethos behind the belief that “all men are created equal” with regard to natural rights—stamped out hereditary nobility in the United States as it had existed in Europe for centuries.
This is the settled conviction of American republicanism: no one has a right to be above the law or to expect the government to grant them any form of privileged status based on a group identity.
Consequently, more than enough weight resides in the understanding of justice to set right the scales that have been upset by the injustice committed by the people involved in the college admissions scandal.
If convicted of their alleged crimes, they deserve all the shame society puts on them and all the punishment to which the justice system submits them. The noble claims of the Declaration of Independence itself rise up to denounce the assumption of a privileged status, which these parents and all those in the elite class have started to assume.
These noble claims, though, are themselves threatened by social justice warriors who would throw out altogether the ideal of an objective standard that measures each individual’s actions on their own merit as unattainable and even racist.
It is admitted that both of these standards of justice condemn the university admissions scheme. But while social justice aims to correct this injustice with yet another injustice, the American understanding of equality is a transcendent standard of rights that condemns this injustice without also condemning itself.