Governments run on money. So of course, the most important thing any government does is pass a budget.
For the first time since he became governor four years ago, Gov. Gavin Newsom is going to face a tough battle in the run-up to the June 15 constitutional deadline to pass a budget. Up until now, the situation was divvying up surpluses with the legislative bosses. Now, it’s going to be making cuts without—he hopes—tax increases.
Jerry Brown, who became governor the second time in January 2011, also faced deficits at the beginning. But his vast knowledge of state government and the Democratic Party, and his ability to negotiate, led him to avoid such a stalemate. His father had been Pat Brown, who served as attorney general, then governor. Jerry himself had been secretary of state, governor in the 1970s, attorney general, mayor of Oakland, and chairman of the California Democratic Party. Jerry also was congenial toward journalists.
Newsom, by contrast, has been aloof. When I was state Sen. John Moorlach’s press secretary, 2017-20, he said he almost never saw Newsom in the state Capitol, even though the Newsom’s office was directly below Moorlach’s. By contrast, Brown was known for circulating among the legislators, including Republicans.
The deficit could be well above that $30 billion of two months ago.
The brighter among those laid off will start their own companies. But turning such companies into profitable enterprises takes years, if they even last that long. In the interim, those who lost their jobs will not be paying California’s high income tax rates, meaning more hits to the state and local treasuries.
As he’s obviously running for president, he is going to be reluctant to ask for a tax increase. Unlike previous governors who went that route, he easily could get one, because Democrats control more than two-thirds of the seats in both the Senate and the Assembly. They could pass a tax increase without a single Republican vote. That’s a contrast to the tax increases passed by Republican Govs. Pete Wilson in 1991 and Schwarzenegger in 2009, when they had to use various means to get one or two Republicans to go along.
The Legislature actually could pass a tax increase on its own, then override a potential Newsom veto. But that seems unlikely.
Meanwhile, as Moorlach likes to emphasize, a budget is not an accounting of the state’s actual fiscal condition. It’s just a spending plan that can go awry; or even, as in recent years, turn out to lowball actual receipts, allowing for even more spending.
Going back to the state, for the fiscal year ending June 30, 2021, Moorlach ranked California’s fiscal condition 10th worst of the 50 states. On the positive side, he found, “There is some good news for Californians. The unrestricted net deficit was reduced by $33.5 billion. It looks like Gov. Newsom may just have allocated a good portion of his historic budget surplus toward reducing the state’s debts. Even after this overdue and necessary spending decision, California is still in 41st place.”
With the days of near-$100 billion surpluses gone, the state also missed another chance to reform its tax code to avoid the rollercoaster rises and pits of the PIT—the personal income tax. Even Brown couldn’t do it.
I’ve been writing about state budgets now for 36 years. The inability of the state to advance reforms is just another annoying feature of life in California. And a reason people keep fleeing paradise.