Global Hegemony and the Chinese Communist Party

Global Hegemony and the Chinese Communist Party
Chinese soldiers shout as they march in formation during a parade to celebrate the 70th anniversary of the founding of communist China at Tiananmen Square in Beijing on Oct. 1, 2019. Kevin Frayer/Getty Images
Anders Corr
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Commentary

Most analysts of both major parties in the United States now agree that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is seeking global hegemony.

Hegemony is defined as “the dominance of one group over another,” according to Britannica. That this is the CCP’s goal should concern every man, woman, and child on this planet, since it means that the CCP ultimately seeks to rule every man, woman, and child on this planet.

The propensity of the CCP to commit genocide against nationalities that it hasconquered, such as the Tibetans and Uyghurs, makes the CCP’s goal of global hegemony a life-or-death matter.

The CCP’s disastrous early economic policies led to famine and lower GDP per capita for China than its peers in Asia, including most notably Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. These initial CCP policies were based on the communism of Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin, and Joseph Stalin, and Xi Jinping remains an adherent in his current rule of China.

Miles Yu, who worked in the Trump administration as a key China adviser to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, provided an explanation of Xi’s rule in a note to The Epoch Times: “Marx didn’t rule but laid the framework of communism. Lenin ruled with the dictatorship of the proletariat and the supremacy of the vanguards of the proletariat, i.e., the Party. Stalin ruled with [an] ‘I’m the Party and I am the Revolution’ cult of personality. Xi rules with all of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin, calling it ‘communism with Chinese characteristics in the new era.’”

Stalin was a totalitarian, as Xi arguably is as well. Both seek world revolution and communist hegemony but in different ways.

In April, Yu wrote an article for the Hoover Institution at Stanford University titled “The Importance of Being Communist—Evolution of China’s Ideological Orthodoxy and Its Vision for Global Dominance.” In it, Yu points to how the CCP uses its “proxies”—including Russia, Iran, and North Korea—“to create global strategic distractions and diversions for the U.S.” Yu argues that the CCP is actively preparing for “a final military showdown with the U.S.”

Yu says the CCP thinks it will win, “which would mark the end of the United States’ global leadership, and the emergence of the CCP’s global hegemony, moving ever closer to the original goal of Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin, Mao Zedong, and [to] Xi Jinping’s ideological fulfillment, i.e., a global communist Internationale, no doubt under the preponderant influence and control of the world’s only remaining communist state of consequence led by the forever ideologically correct Chinese Communist Party.”

Yu speaks ironically about the CCP’s error in seeing itself as perfect. This gives the CCP the self-validation it needs to culturally eradicate groups and individuals who might pose a threat to its “perfection,” even if that eradication is technically a form of genocide according to the U.N. definition.

Democratic party analysts have expressed similar concerns about CCP hegemony. Rush Doshi wrote a book titled “The Long Game: China’s Grand Strategy to Displace American Order,” published by Oxford University Press in 2023. Doshi worked as an Asia policy adviser for both the Clinton and Biden campaigns.

In his book, Doshi wrote, “China has pursued a variety of strategies to displace the United States at the regional and global level.” The two main strategies include “blunting” U.S. political, economic, and military power and institutions in order to build CCP power and institutions in their place.

Some definitions of hegemony include support by norms and ideas that legitimize the coercion and persuasion of the hegemon or ruler. Beijing has a set of norms around international communism that attempts to legitimize CCP hegemony. Still, these norms lost power after the excesses of Stalin’s totalitarianism became well-known, including his use of famine as a tool of genocide against Ukrainians. While the CCP denies that it engages in genocide and seeks hegemony, these denials are easily disproven.

For example, according to a 2022 CCP document, “China stands firmly against all forms of hegemonism and power politics, the Cold War mentality, interference in other countries’ internal affairs, and double standards, Xi said.”

However, the CCP’s actions belie its words. First, the CCP claims to speak for all of China, but the Chinese public has not given it permission to do so through free and fair elections.

Second, the CCP claims to stand against “power politics” and “the Cold War mentality,” while refusing to engage in the kinds of nuclear weapons limitation agreements that ended the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union.

Third, the CCP claims to oppose interference in other countries’ internal affairs, while using TikTok, for example, to politically influence more than 1 billion users globally and 170 million users in the United States. The CCP bans U.S. social media networks from operating in China.
Finally, the CCP claims to be against “double standards,” while using international law to claim undersea mining rights near Hawaii and ignoring international judicial rulings on the South China Sea.

This single sentence from the CCP denying its pursuit of global hegemony embodies the most obvious duplicity. The CCP is responsible for entire libraries full of similar falsehoods meant to justify the expansion of its misrule to the point of just that—global hegemony.

Views expressed in this article are opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.
Anders Corr
Anders Corr
Author
Anders Corr has a bachelor's/master's in political science from Yale University (2001) and a doctorate in government from Harvard University (2008). He is a principal at Corr Analytics Inc., publisher of the Journal of Political Risk, and has conducted extensive research in North America, Europe, and Asia. His latest books are “The Concentration of Power: Institutionalization, Hierarchy, and Hegemony” (2021) and “Great Powers, Grand Strategies: the New Game in the South China Sea" (2018).
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