New migrants pouring into the United States after the Biden administration let a COVID-19 restriction called Title 42 expire last week will not break the nation’s stretched court system. The system is already shattered, according to several former judges, immigration experts, and Department of Homeland Security data.
The average wait time for a “Notice to Appear” before a judge at one of the nation’s 66 immigration courts is now four and a half years. In some cities it is much longer. In New York City, new migrants do not have to appear in court until 2032. This growing backlog creates an incentive for more people to cross the border and request asylum as each new case pushes assigned court dates further into the future. In the meantime, many migrants are permitted to live and work in the United States.
“It’s well past broken,” said Art Arthur, a former immigration court judge and now a resident fellow at the conservative Center for Immigration Studies. “The courts weren’t set up for this. When you don’t do anything at the front end, the back end just collapses. Everybody who shows up now knows the chances are 90 percent or better you’re going to be here indefinitely or forever.”
Federal agencies charged with handling immigration—including the Department of Homeland Security, the Executive Office of Immigration Review, and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE)—did not respond to requests for comment or declined to answer questions on the record.
But a Feb. 18, 2023, internal ICE document obtained by RealClearInvestigations (RCI) listing the top 10 backlogged locations shows court dates are already far in the future.
The document shows New York leading the list as “fully booked through October 2032.” That time lag tops Florida locations, booked until 2028; Atlanta and San Antonio, where a migrant in the system does not have to appear until 2027; and a handful of other cities such as Chicago, Baltimore, Milwaukee, and Indianapolis, where the backlog carries into 2026.
That leaves most of the millions floating, according to those who study the issue closely.
“Both parolees and asylum applicants are eligible for work authorization,” said Rosemary Jenks, director of government affairs for NumbersUSA, a group pushing for tighter immigration policies. “Despite that, a huge number of those who say they’re here for asylum never actually file an asylum application, so they live and work here illegally.”
As more migrants arrive, court backlogs will undoubtedly be pushed even further into the future. That in turn may prompt more migrants to work through the system, further burdening an overwhelmed system. The delays already in place make it all but impossible for judges to hear cases properly, according to Arthur and another former immigration court judge in Texas, Tony Rogers. Even if somehow the courts were able to triple or quadruple the roughly 600 judges now on the bench, the system cannot keep up with the crush of people crossing the southern border.
“The judges can’t do anything more than saw the wood in front of them,” Rogers said. “It’s a dysfunctional system from top to bottom that is way past broken. This is exactly why all of them are coming—they know you can’t meaningfully try a case five years or more after a claim, and if you buy time long enough they’ll give you something. You’re not going to get deported and sent back.”
“It’s actually even worse than what they’re telling you,” Rogers said. “These numbers only reflect people in the system. If they filed NTAs”—notices to appear—“for all the people that have entered, it would be even worse. No one can give you a statistic for that.”
Like the federal agencies, numerous others knowledgeable about the situation both within and without government did not respond to questions, including Susan Long and David Burnham, the co-directors of TRAC Immigration, a nonpartisan Syracuse University clearing house on information about immigration.
Members of Congress were unwilling to discuss the overloaded court system. RCI reached out to every Republican member of the House Border and Security Enforcement Committee and they did not respond. Similarly, RCI sought comment from a half dozen Democrats on the Committee, as well as two Republicans and Democratic ranking member Jerrold Nadler of New York on the House Judiciary Committee. None responded.
“House Republicans are fighting to do what the Biden administration refuses to: secure our sovereign borders and protect Americans,” said a joint statement from three GOP committee chairmen—Jim Jordan of Ohio, Mark Green of Tennessee, and Michael McCaul of Texas. “The images coming out of border communities for the end of Title 42 this week are horrifying. There’s no question the border is not secure and the Biden administration has lost all control.”
Federal records show ICE wasn’t using Title 42 to expel many immigrants before. In 2022, the monthly figure for those expelled under Title 42 fell from 8,008 in May to 3,791 in December, the document shows. In the last five months of 2022, an average of 4,000 were expelled by Title 42.
But perceptions about Title 42 being an enforcement tool had worked as a brake on unfettered immigration the Biden administration has chosen to release, Jenks said.
“They know even that’s gone now,” she said. “It’s preposterous and that’s why they keep coming.”
Whatever impact the lifting may have, it can hardly hurt the effectiveness of a court system already characterized by Kafkaesque delays, according to the Federation for American Immigration Reform, a group that has long worked for immigration controls.
“This is kind of a farce,” said Ira Mehlman, FAIR’s media director. “With people having a hearing 10 years from now, it’s pointless, and knowing there are such meaningless dates so far in the future is exactly the incentive and why you see so many people in line to enter.”