At APEC, Chinese Leader Threatened War Against Taiwan

At APEC, Chinese Leader Threatened War Against Taiwan
People demonstrate against Chinese leader Xi Jinping as he meets with U.S. President Joe Biden during the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Leaders' Week, in Woodside, Calif., on Nov. 15, 2023. With tensions soaring over issues, including Taiwan, sanctions, and trade, the two leaders are expected to hold at least three hours of talks at the Filoli country estate in the city's outskirts. Gilles Clarenne/AFP via Getty Images
Anders Corr
Updated:
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Commentary
China’s Xi Jinping was called a “ruthless dictator” and “thug” in the pages of The Wall Street Journal on Nov. 13 before the APEC summit in San Francisco. Mr. Xi confirmed these labels with his actions when he met President Joe Biden two days later.

At the meeting, Mr. Xi conveyed a veiled threat of war against Taiwan and leveraged U.S. fentanyl deaths. His long-overdue promise at the talks to President Biden to stop fentanyl-related exports from China can be trusted about as much as his 2016 promises to former President Barack Obama to stop cyber intrusions and not militarize artificial islands in the South China Sea. Mr. Xi violated both promises within a few years.

President Biden’s comment after the meeting that he would “trust but verify” Mr. Xi’s latest promise and that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leader was, indeed, a “dictator,” as he had said before, were fitting. The two met for hours of “blunt” discussion and a garden walk, which started with the obligatory warm Biden handshake and proceeded before the cameras and their policy teams as frosty, formal, and somber.

It should have been, given Mr. Xi’s 15-month attempt to leverage, for Beijing’s gain, over 70,000 American fentanyl deaths between August 2021 and August 2022 (to be exact, 73,654 in 2022, over double the number in 2019). Mr. Xi’s counternarcotics noncooperation is arguably a genocidal atrocity that should never be forgotten or forgiven.

Two more long overdue “agreements” that should have been given were presented by the White House as progress after the meeting, namely a presidential hotline between the two countries and the grant of a meeting between defense chiefs.

Beijing’s past refusal to engage in such basic communication, along with its fighter jet and nuclear-capable bomber flights around Taiwan, were likely failed attempts to intimidate the United States.

At the meeting, Mr. Xi hinted at the possibility of military action against the island democracy if it did not “peacefully reunify” with the mainland within a few years.

Mr. Xi “underscored that this [Taiwan] was the biggest, most potentially dangerous issue in U.S.-China relations, laid out clearly that, you know, their preference was for peaceful reunification but then moved immediately to conditions that the potential use of force could be utilized,” a senior U.S. official said, as reported by Reuters.

Unification of a democracy with a dictatorship under threat of nuclear war should never be considered “peaceful” and would not be “reunification” in any case, as communists never controlled the island. The Biden administration should have said this publicly afterward.

Issues raised and not agreed upon at the meeting included detained U.S. citizens, Tibet, Xinjiang, Hong Kong, and the South China Sea, according to the White House. Apparently, the genocide against Falun Gong in China is of lesser concern to the Biden administration, and so was not raised.

What we do not know is what President Biden agreed to behind closed doors in exchange for more fentanyl cooperation.

According to Bloomberg’s sources in advance of the meeting, “Under the [fentanyl] deal—which is still being finalized—China would go after chemical companies to stem the flow of both fentanyl and the source material used to make the deadly synthetic opioid. ... In return, the Biden administration would lift restrictions on China’s forensic police institute, the people said, an entity the U.S. alleges is responsible for human-rights abuses” against the Uyghurs.
Removal of Uyghur sanctions, under duress of mounting American fentanyl deaths, would both throw Uyghurs under the bus and concede Beijing’s right to use its lack of counternarcotics cooperation as a macabre bargaining chip that would capitulate to the CCP’s unprincipled pursuit of power through the arguably genocidal facilitation of thousands of American fentanyl-ridden corpses over the years.

Rather than stand on principle—that Beijing ought to engage in effective counternarcotics cooperation as a matter of course, and that the United States should strengthen its 2020 sanctions on China’s Insitute of Forensic Science until the CCP demonstrably ends its genocidal abuse of Uyghurs—the Biden administration apparently allowed Beijing to try and link the two, giving into two of the CCP’s genocidal actions, and thus incentivizing it to reuse the strategy in the future.

Beijing’s additional demands on U.S. acceptance of its communist dictatorship as somehow equal to a true democracy, and an end to China tariffs against Beijing’s unfair trade practices that destroyed American industry, are essentially demands for America’s ideological and material surrender, for which Mr. Xi has demonstrated he is prepared to pave the way with tens of thousands of U.S. fentanyl deaths.

This is war by another name, and by not admitting as much to the public, the Biden administration capitulates through appeasement after appeasement that, if allowed to continue, will lead to the surrender of all that makes America and by extension, democracy, strong. Our values, economy, military—and ultimately, our sovereignty—are on the line.

Views expressed in this article are opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.
Anders Corr
Anders Corr
Author
Anders Corr has a bachelor's/master's in political science from Yale University (2001) and a doctorate in government from Harvard University (2008). He is a principal at Corr Analytics Inc., publisher of the Journal of Political Risk, and has conducted extensive research in North America, Europe, and Asia. His latest books are “The Concentration of Power: Institutionalization, Hierarchy, and Hegemony” (2021) and “Great Powers, Grand Strategies: the New Game in the South China Sea" (2018).
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