Because the global demand to hold U.S. dollars or to use them to conduct international commerce is high, this alternative classification would dramatically diminish the size of reported U.S. trade deficits. These “deficits” being the excess of U.S. imports over U.S. exports, this alternative classification would reduce U.S. trade deficits by increasing the reported amount of U.S. exports relative to U.S. imports. (Because trade—or “current-account”—deficits are exactly offset by capital-account surpluses, another consequence of such a reclassification would be to decrease the reported size of U.S. capital-account surpluses.)
Measured trade balances would change significantly with absolutely no change in the underlying economic forces and facts that give rise to international trade and investment flows. Grasping this reality helps make clear just how silly it is for Americans to fret over the accounting artifact called “U.S. trade deficits.”
“But,” someone might object, “because foreigners who hold U.S. dollars do eventually intend to use those dollars to buy American goods, services, or assets, those dollars represent debts that Americans owe to foreigners. After all, dollars are claims on dollar-denominated goods, services, and assets. And so when foreigners hold U.S. dollars, they hold claims on American stuff—meaning that for each U.S. dollar foreigners currently hold, Americans are one dollar in debt to foreigners.”
Although this objection is understandable—I encounter it often even from intelligent people committed to free trade—it’s mistaken. Holdings by foreigners of U.S. dollars do not put Americans in hock to foreigners.
To see why foreign holdings of U.S. dollars are not American debt, consider the following simple example. In March, the only international commerce that occurs is when Joe in Jacksonville buys $1 million worth of tomatoes from Mia in Mexico, and then Mia immediately uses this $1 million to buy $1 million worth of petroleum from Dave in Dallas. In this case, the United States in March runs neither a trade deficit nor a trade surplus; the value of American exports equals the value of American imports. Protectionists breathe sighs of relief.
In April, however, although Joe in Jacksonville again buys $1 million worth of tomatoes from Mia in Mexico, Mia now holds on to all of her newly acquired U.S. Federal Reserve Notes. As a result, the United States in April runs a $1 million trade deficit. Protectionists emit wails of worry. Indeed, protectionists will insist that Americans have as a result of this trade deficit gone $1 million into debt to foreigners.
No American is obliged, as a result of Mia’s holding on to her U.S. dollars, to pay to Mia anything, be it money or real goods and services. If Mia’s dollar holdings oblige no American to pay anything to her (or to anyone else), it cannot meaningfully be said that Mia’s dollar holdings are American debt owed to foreigners. It follows that the $1 million U.S. trade deficit caused by Mia’s choosing to hold her 1 million U.S. dollars does not increase Americans’ indebtedness.
This conclusion might be challenged by two possible objections. One is that U.S. dollars, being notes issued by the Federal Reserve, are redeemable at the Fed. That is, the Fed is obliged to redeem Mia’s dollars should she present them to the Fed. And because the Fed is America’s central bank, Americans are indeed in debt to the tune of $1 million to foreigners as long as Mia holds 1 million U.S. dollars.
The second and more substantive possible challenge to the above conclusion goes like this: Because Mia can use her dollars to buy $1 million worth of goods, services, or assets from Americans, her dollar holdings represent $1 million worth of goods, services, or assets that Americans will turn over to a foreigner and, thus, not retain for themselves.
“But wait!” someone might still object. “Mia’s dollar holdings give her the practical power to get $1 million worth of American goods, services, or assets—things that, if Mia didn’t have those dollars, would be available for purchase by Americans. The result is a loss to Americans.”
So it seems. But because any goods, services, or assets that Mia buys from Americans with her dollars were produced by Americans in the hope of being sold for top dollar, were Mia to lose her dollars—or were the government to prevent her from spending or investing her dollars in the United States—some Americans in their roles as producers would suffer. Whatever “losses” American consumers suffer as a result of Mia’s spending her dollars in America are more than offset by the gains of those Americans who sell their goods, services, or assets to Mia.
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Language is important and influential. By calling foreign holdings of U.S. dollars American “debt,” the impression is conveyed that those dollar holdings are a burden on Americans. And from this impression it’s a short, if careless, step to the conclusion that the U.S. government should restrict Americans’ trade in order to protect Americans from creating for themselves such a burden. Yet this impression is false: Foreign holdings of U.S. dollars are in no way American debt.