The Constitution’s framers added the convention mechanism to allow states to bypass Congress and amend the Constitution if the federal government abused or exceeded its powers.
This essay explains how the procedure works. This information comes from many years of academic research on the constitutional amendment process. No one paid for my conclusions, and they sometimes contradicted my earlier beliefs.
This disinformation has been so successful that many Americans have been duped into thinking that the convention procedure is somehow evil. In fact, it is one of the Constitution’s most important checks and balances. Many of our current ills flow directly from our failure to use it.
Convention opponents often claim that constitutional amendments will have no effect. History shows they are flat wrong. Over the past 230 years, amendments have been powerful tools for reform. We obtained our Bill of Rights through amendments. The Civil War did not finally abolish slavery; an amendment did that. Amendments have curbed abuse of minorities, assured women the vote, and limited the president to two terms.
Think about it: Would we be better off without the First Amendment’s protection for freedom of speech and religion? Would we be better off without the 22nd Amendment’s two-term limit on the president? I’ve never met anyone who believes either of those things. But how many believe we should extend term limits to Congress or the Supreme Court? Towering supermajorities of Americans.
Why hasn’t it happened? Because Congress refuses to propose a term limits amendment, and we haven’t had the guts to call a convention to propose one.
The Founders created the amendment process for four distinct reasons: to resolve disputes over constitutional interpretation, correct drafting defects, respond to changed conditions, and forestall and correct abuses. During the first 15 years of federal operations, the founding generation adopted amendments for all those purposes. Opponents err when they claim that the only reason for the amendment process was to correct drafting errors.
Fortunately, the amount of historical and legal clarification we have for Article V is enormous, so when you hear charges that Article V is “vague” or “sketchy,” chalk it up as a confession of ignorance.
(1) Proposal by two-thirds of each house of Congress, followed by ratification by popular conventions in each state. This method was used to adopt the 21st Amendment, repealing Prohibition.
(2) Proposal by two-thirds of each house of Congress, then ratification by state legislatures. This method was used for the other amendments.
(3) Proposal by a “Convention for proposing Amendments,” then ratification by popular conventions in each state.
(4) Proposal by a “Convention for proposing Amendments,” then ratification by state legislatures.
Since 1787, they have continued at a slower pace, but they have continued. The latest was held in Phoenix in 2017.
Most interstate conventions have been limited to colonies or states within a particular region. But at least seven have been “general” (national), including the 2017 Phoenix confab.
These gatherings have addressed many kinds of problems. Some early ones coordinated local defense. The 1787 convention proposed the U.S. Constitution. An 1889 convention proposed anti-trust laws. Some 20th century conclaves negotiated western water compacts. A few, most notably the 1861 Washington, D.C. convention, proposed constitutional amendments.
Thus, another common claim—that the 1787 gathering is the only convention precedent—is also wide of the mark.
An early draft of the Constitution would have allowed a convention of states to both propose and ratify amendments. (Opponents’ contention that an amendments convention was merely the framers’ afterthought is likewise erroneous.) In the final draft, either Congress or a convention could propose and only the states could ratify.
When the Constitution became public, many people were concerned that it gave the federal government too much authority. The document’s supporters, however, pointed out that the convention mechanism gave the states complete power to amend—even against federal opposition. Without the convention device, the public probably would have rejected the Constitution. Indeed, without the threat of an amendments convention, Congress probably never would have proposed the Bill of Rights or the two-term limit on the president.
Then the legislatures of the participating states either select their convention commissioners (delegates), or designate procedures for doing so. The states give the commissioners their instructions and define their powers (“agree to this, don’t agree to that”). Modern claims that a convention of states is “uncontrollable” are wildly erroneous. So also are assumptions that commissioners are popularly elected.
The convention then meets at the prescribed place and time. No state is forced to attend, but if a state does not do so, obviously it cannot vote—although it can refuse to ratify.
The convention next adopts rules, elects officers, and sets up committees. It debates whether to propose amendments within its area of authority. If it decides not to, then it adjourns. If it decides that amendments are warranted, it drafts them, formally proposes them, and adjourns. A convention is, by definition, temporary.
After one or more amendments are proposed, the ratification procedure is the same as for any other amendment.
Twenty-eight states have passed applications for a convention limited to a balanced budget amendment. Several states have passed applications for congressional term limits or campaign finance reform.
In my view, a constitutional amendment imposing term limits or imposing more limits on Congress would be a good idea. True, some argue that we should continue to rely on remedies like electing good people, lobbying, bringing lawsuits, and public education. I’m in favor of those things, but we’ve been doing those for decades and our country is worse off than ever. Reforms by even the wisest federal officials have proved to be short-lived. A course advocated by some of the woolier organizations, widespread nullification, is both impractical and likely unconstitutional.
So what remains is the course the Founders themselves prescribed: a convention of states for proposing corrective constitutional amendments.
Let’s get it done.