In mid-May, I embarked on a brief yet impactful visit to Taiwan to cover the World Hong Kong Forum, organized by my team in Taipei, and to attend the inauguration of Taiwan’s president and vice president. This event, occurring once every four years, was a highlight in Taiwan.
Meanwhile, alarming developments unfolded in Hong Kong: the arrest of Hang Tung Chow, a barrister and activist already imprisoned for criticizing Beijing’s 1989 Tiananmen crackdown, along with six other Hong Kong residents. The end of May also saw the sentencing of the 47 Hong Kong activists, with 14 found guilty of subversion and two acquitted under the national security law. This convergence of events underscored May as a critical month for those committed to democracy and freedom in the region.
During my six-day trip to Taipei, the World Hong Kong Forum convened scholars and activists from the Hong Kong diaspora to discuss the far-reaching implications of Article 23 and the National Security Law (NSL). The forum also featured the award-winning film, “Hong Kong–The Final Days of Freedom.” The inauguration of Taiwan’s new president, Lai Ching-te, garnered global attention, with the Chinese Communist Party labeling him a “separatist.” However, Beijing must recognize that Taiwan has functioned as a de facto independent nation for decades. Any military aggression would escalate tensions in the Taiwan Strait, destabilizing the region and provoking severe international consequences.
The leadership in Hong Kong, from Leung Chun-Ying and Carrie Lam to John Lee, has consistently failed to demonstrate the vision needed to reassure the world that Hong Kong remains “investable” under the nearly defunct “one country, two systems” framework. My trip to Taiwan, along with my earlier visit during the January presidential campaign, convinced me that Taiwan’s model of democracy is the way forward. Hong Kong’s leaders are out of touch with the people and rely on oppressive tactics to govern.
My six days in Taipei were profoundly meaningful. I spoke with numerous diaspora groups who settled in Taiwan following the 2019 social movement in Hong Kong. They felt secure in Taiwan, unlike the potential harassment they faced in Hong Kong. These Hongkongers, although needing to adapt to their new home, are no longer haunted by the “fight for freedom” scenes of 2019—scenes memorable to many. The right to protest and commemorate tragedies such as the Tiananmen Massacre has been stripped away in Hong Kong, leaving deep scars.
In Taiwan, freedom is palpable. I felt safe walking the streets and could easily access key figures from the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). Arranging interviews for the World Hong Kong Forum with Radio Taiwan International was straightforward, unlike the hostile environment in Hong Kong, where hosting such a forum could potentially lead to arrest under vague accusations of sedition. Taiwan’s political parties, both the DPP and the Beijing-friendly Kuomintang (KMT), reject the failed “one country, two systems” model. Beijing’s dream of reunification with Taiwan is unattainable, especially as Chinese leader Xi Jinping’s threats of force alienate the Taiwanese.
It is deeply ironic when I reflect on my drafting of the sincere and heartfelt “Ten Demands to the Communist Party of China from the People in Hong Kong (Financial Sector)” during the Umbrella Movement of 2014. I now see how naive I was to believe that the CCP would heed the wishes of the people of Hong Kong. Let me revisit clause 3 of what we conveyed to Xi at the time.
For Demand No. 3: “Defend Hong Kong’s freedom of speech, press, assembly, religion, creation, and all kinds of freedom enshrined in the Basic Law and relevant international conventions.” All hopes are now shattered, as the NSL creates a new standard that is superior to and overrides Hong Kong’s Basic Law. If you delve deeper into the interpretation of point 3, it is both reasonable and practical:
Hong Kong’s achievements today owe much to generations of hard work and, significantly, to being a pluralistic and free society. Universally accepted liberal values and freedom in business and information flow are among the reasons why Hong Kong attracts international enterprises. The successful development of the financial industry hinges upon the freedom of capital and information flow. The economic miracle of Hong Kong cannot continue if any of the freedoms above are battered.
Foreign investors and even businessmen from mainland China will lose confidence in our business environment, causing inconceivably negative effects on China’s overall economic development and the process of reform and opening up. The CCP and Hong Kong government must conscientiously safeguard all existing freedoms in Hong Kong, rather than restricting and suppressing Hong Kong’s renowned liberties for any political reasons.
Hongkongers in the diaspora must understand their new countries’ political systems. They sought freedom and democracy and must engage in their adopted homelands’ political processes. The 2019 Hong Kong protests aimed for genuine elections, a stark contrast to Beijing’s narrative. The international community has lost confidence in Hong Kong because of the NSL and Article 23.
Beijing and Hong Kong can learn from Taiwan’s democratic journey. For Hongkongers in Hong Kong, enduring leaders who betray the people is heartbreaking. Current Chief Executive John Lee has never truly been in charge. Hongkongers must find ways to live in which their rights are genuinely protected under the so-called “Basic Law.” With increasing restrictions on internet use, press freedom, and the threat of asset seizures, the future of Hong Kong’s autonomy looks bleak. Yet Hong Kong hasn’t died—it has just transformed into something totally unrecognizable.
