A series of violent killings in China earlier this month generated widespread attention on social media and Chinese-language news sites around the world.
The brutal murders, which took place over 11 days, all involved attacks by Chinese peasants on village officials. Making the attacks more remarkable was that public reaction to the killers was generally sympathetic.
The first incident took place on May 1 in Xishe, a village of about 28,000 people in northern China’s province of Shanxi. Thirty-eight-year-old Xu Guoqiang killed the village head, his wife, and son in a brutal afternoon knife attack. Xu was apprehended three days later.
Another afternoon attack took place nine days later in Xili Village, in east China’s Shandong province. A high school English teacher—referred to in reports only by his surname, Jia—stormed the home of Liu Jijie, the village’s head and party boss. Jia killed Liu, his wife, who was also a local official, and their 15-year-old son before committing suicide.
Local police stated in a public notice that “the case is under investigation, [but] it is not convenient to disclose details.”
Pushed to the Limit
Because all three killings targeted local village officials—a sensitive topic in China—there was no official statement on any of the cases. Chinese state media reports relied on details provided on social media by people familiar with the incidents.However, the cases were remarkable for the amount of public outcry they generated. Online remarks generally sympathized with the killers, excusing them as victims of excessive bullying or unjust behavior by powerful local officials.
According to social media posts, Xu Guoqiang, the killer in the first case, had been framed by the village head and sentenced to two years in prison as a result of disputes over money and village land allocation.
In the second case, which involved Jia, the English teacher, locals alleged that Jia’s daughter had been bullied and sexually assaulted by the son of the village head. As a result of the abuse Jia’s daughter became mentally ill. Although Jia tried to seek justice through legal channels many times, it is alleged that Liu used his position and powerful connections to obstruct it.
The perpetrator of the May 11 knife rampage was a “simple and obedient fellow,” according to reports, and had a history of being bullied. The last straw was an incident involving a land dispute between Jin and a relative, in which the village head disregarded Jin’s rights.
Public Sympathy
According to state media The Beijing News, 63-year-old Liu Jijie, the village head killed by Jia, had been awarded many honors by Chinese Communist Party (CCP) authorities, titles such as “National Model Worker,” and “Outstanding Village Party Organization Secretary.”Liu Dejun (a pseudonym) is a Liaoning resident who lives about 125 miles (200 km) from Majiagang. Liu told The Epoch Times that the local officials who were killed had been in power in their villages for many years. Assured of backing from higher levels of the CCP, they frequently abused their power, Liu said.
The Last Straw for an Elderly Farmer
The recent killings renewed discussion of a similar case late last year, in which Sui Guangxi, a villager from Tongfa, in northeast China’s Heilongjiang province, stabbed and killed Sun Dezhi, the retired deputy mayor of the village, before killing himself.On May 14, a Twitter user shared a video in which Sui’s daughter, sobbing, recounted the events that led to the incident in October 2022.
According to Sui’s daughter, the village committee had allotted a plot of farmland to Sui in 1994. He had been farming the land for 29 years, paying taxes and giving a portion of the farm’s yield to the government as required.
In 2021, the village’s retired deputy mayor suddenly took Sui to court, claiming that he owned the land. He demanded that Sui “return the land” and “compensate him for the contract fee.”
In court, Sui presented the land contract certificate issued to him by village officials. Fellow villagers provided testimony on his behalf, but the judge ruled against him.
Although Sun had constructed a factory and a fishery next to Sui’s farmland, he had never claimed Sui’s land. When a highway-building project was announced, however, he saw the possibility of selling the land for a lucrative profit, Sui’s daughter alleged.
The farmer was heartbroken, complaining in his sleep about the loss of his land, his daughter said.
Sui took the case to court again but his appeal failed. He was detained by police several times for causing an “illegal disturbance” and was publicly mocked by Sun.
Rampant Corruption, Violence in the Countryside
Liu Dejun believes that there is widespread resentment among Chinese peasants. That resentment takes the form of support for those who violently confront corrupt officials.After the murder-suicide, Sui’s grave was covered by wreaths from the public, as well as a banner reading “Sorrowful tribute to Sui Guangxi, the old hero, for getting rid of an evil for the people.”
China’s villages—there are some 800,000 of the small communities—may not at first glance seem like a hotbed of unrest. However, Shi Shan, a U.S.-based journalist, told The Epoch Times that this month’s killings are far from isolated events.
A Chinese public security official told Shi that he was aware of hundreds of similar cases in his province alone, not to mention the whole of China, but that most of the incidents went unreported.
Liu said that corruption and abuse of power are rampant in China’s rural areas.
Ruthless village cadres often embezzle poverty relief subsidies or compensation for those who have lost homes to demolition.
Embezzling relief funds, making land grabs, or deliberately holding up construction permits are all examples of bullying behavior, Liu said. “Moreover, there is nowhere for these victims to report their sufferings, and there is no place to appeal.”
‘Tightening Control Over Rural China’
The CCP is paying attention to the unrest in its rural villages. Coincidentally, just days after the brutal May 11 attack, a headline in the South China Morning Post announced: “Beijing tightens control over rural China with training campaign for thousands of village chiefs.”However, a new rural law enforcement force, set up in January, has only added to the resentment.