Beijing is amping up its influence campaigns on Western social media platforms as part of an ongoing endeavor to promote pro-Chinese Communist Party (CCP) views on a global scale.
While Russian disinformation efforts on Facebook and Twitter have drawn the lion’s share of media attention since their bid to influence the 2016 U.S. elections, analysts say that the Chinese regime has since that time been playing catch-up, expanding and developing influence operations on these platforms—which are banned inside China.
The company said it has identified and removed 23,750 core accounts, and around 150,000 “amplifier” accounts which were designed to boost the core network by retweeting and liking their posts.
Despite Chinese campaigns lacking the sophistication of Russian operations, analysts believe the gap will close as a result of the regime’s persistent and aggressive actions in this space.
Operations
Researchers at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI), in their analysis of the core Twitter accounts targeted in the recent takedown, found that most had underdeveloped personas—78.5 percent had no followers at all.The accounts sent out 348,608 tweets between January 2018 and April 2020. Most were in Chinese, with the campaign primarily targeted at Hong Kong residents and the Chinese-speaking diaspora, researchers said.
Amal Sinha, an independent data analyst who reviewed the dataset, deducted that the operation was likely run out of a human troll factory in China—rather than by bots—due to the accounts’ tweeting behavior: they were tweeting during work hours at Beijing time, there was significant variations in time between tweets, and almost all were exclusively tweeted from a desktop computer.
Beijing is likely using human operatives, Sinha said, because bots tend to be easier for software to catch.
ASPI also found that the Twitter operation used aged accounts—potentially purchased from the influence-for-hire marketplace, hacked or stolen—to try and gain traction in larger networks.
The media outlet found that the accounts were linked to OneSight (Beijing) Technology, a Beijing-based internet marketing company with connections to the Chinese regime. The company’s CEO previously worked at the Beijing city foreign propaganda department.
Last year, ProPublica obtained a copy of a contract won by OneSight to boost the Twitter following of state-owned news agency China News Service. The outlet is run under the United Front Work Department, a Party organ dedicated to running Beijing’s influence operations inside and outside of China.
Selepak, the social media professor, said Beijing is also likely seeking to pay influential users to promote particular messages on Twitter—to make use of their outsized voices on these platforms.
ProPublica referred to the case of Badiucao, a Chinese dissident cartoonist living in Australia, who said he was approached by an account claiming to be an “international exchange company.” The firm offered the cartoonist 1,700 yuan (about $240) to tweet out specific content per post.
During feigned negotiations with the company, Badiucao said he received a sample of what he would be asked to tweet out: a 15-second propaganda clip, showing that Beijing “defeated the coronavirus and everything is back on track.”
Narratives
Tech analyses of the recently shuttered Twitter accounts showed that up until early February, they focused on criticizing protesters in Hong Kong; demonizing Chinese billionaire fugitive Guo Wengui, who is based in Manhattan and an outspoken critic of the CCP; and promoting the idea that Taiwan is part of China.The accounts also retweeted posts from Chinese state media and officials about the pandemic.
Meanwhile, Chinese state-run outlets also took to social media, promoting the hashtags “Trumpandemic” and “TrumpVirus” on its posts.
The department’s Global Engagement Center (GEC) found that Chinese diplomats’ Twitter accounts saw a surge in new followers around March. Many of these followers were newly-made accounts, suggesting they belonged to an artificial network designed to amplify narratives from Chinese officials, GEC head Lea Gabrielle said at the time.
The campaign has recently evolved to exploit the race-related unrest across the United States, ASPI found. Posts on Twitter and Facebook used the killing of Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer and U.S. authorities’ response to protests to promote anti-U.S., anti-democracy, anti-protest, and pro-Hong Kong police messages, it stated.
One account, for instance, tweeted an image of Lady Liberty leaning on Floyd’s neck, and compared U.S. authorities’ handling of the protests with Beijing’s suppression of the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong, accusing the United States of hypocrisy.
U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has derided Beijing’s propaganda surrounding the protests as “laughable,” pointing to the communist regime’s systemic crackdown on freedom of speech, press, and religion.
ASPI said the Chinese regime’s persistent online experimentation will allow it to “recalibrate efforts to influence audiences on Western platforms with growing precision.”
“This large-scale pivot to Western platforms is relatively new, and we should expect continued evolution and improvement,” it said.
Bigger Threat
Mark Grabowski, associate professor specializing in cyberlaw and digital ethics at Adelphi University, describes the regime’s disinformation campaign as a “far more menacing threat” than Russia’s.He pointed to the hugely popular video app TikTok, which is owned by the Beijing-based company ByteDance. The app, which had 37.2 million users in the United States in 2019, has seen a surge in popularity during the pandemic.
“By analyzing its treasure trove of data, China can gain all kinds of insights and leverage it to manipulate Americans,” Grabowski said.
“With so many Americans practically living online now, especially during the lockdown, China understands American society very well and they know what buttons to push,” he added.
TikTok has sweeping powers to influence its users, Grabowski noted. It can “suppress videos that are critical of China, and amplify any narrative or talking point or meme by artificially inflating shares or tinkering with their algorithm,” he said.
Grabowski said the regime could also exploit the anti-government sentiment held by many American academics, journalists, and lawmakers to propel anti-U.S. narratives. For instance, they could find an influential user with a blue checkmark who tweets that the coronavirus should be called the “Trumpvirus,” and amplify their views.
“They provide the appearance of credibility and China simply provides the retweets and makes that narrative go viral,” he said.