The Battle for Space Is On

The Battle for Space Is On
Illustration by The Epoch Times, Getty Images, Public Domain
Updated:

Space has been called the final frontier and experts say governments are becoming more focused on strengthening defense and exploring the military potential of low Earth orbit.

Evan Ellis, an analyst and research professor for the U.S. Army War College, told The Epoch Times that expanding and protecting space infrastructure is becoming increasingly important from a national security perspective.

“It’s a recognition that space is important as a war-fighting domain, but also how you protect and use your assets in times of war,” Ellis said.

As a defense analyst, Ellis has participated in space war game scenarios. He says there are multiple kinds of weapons that can be used in Earth’s orbit. Some are kinetic such as missiles, but non-kinetic weapons such as electromagnetic pulses, micro-waves, and lasers are also possible.

He noted some are more practical in a space-to-space or space-to-Earth combat scenario than others. For example, lasers are less practical to have in a space-based platform since they would have energy supply and stability problems.

“If you want to penetrate someone’s [ground] bunker, then it makes more sense to use kinetic weapons than a laser from space,” Ellis said.

He said that targeting ground objects from space isn’t impossible, but it’s not a likely scenario. Instead, Ellis said it would be more pragmatic to hit other celestial targets.

“It makes sense to have things in space that can take out other things in space.”

National security lawyer and Scarab Rising president, Irina Tsukerman, said weapons don’t need to be put into space to be a threat to orbiting objects.

“Countries like China and Russia have developed various ASAT [anti-satellite weapon] capabilities, including kinetic kill vehicles and electronic warfare systems, aimed at disabling or destroying U.S. satellites,” Tsukerman told The Epoch Times via text.

Earth-based weapons with the ability to cripple or destroy satellites have existed for years. Yet with more countries investing in counter-space assets, worry over the possible use of ASATs as a wartime weapon is growing.

“While destructive ASATs have not yet been deployed in warfare, countries such as Russia, India, China, and the United States have demonstrated their ability to operate such weapons by destroying their own satellites,” a 2024 Atlantic Council analysis states.
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“As countries’ reliance on space increases, the ability to hold other countries’ satellites at risk is a significant and concerning capability.”

Investment in space from a national security perspective also grew this year.

The Space Foundation reported that total global military space budgets increased 18 percent, representing 46 percent of total government space spending. The United States represents the majority of this at 80 percent, but countries like Japan and Poland have also drastically increased their space defense spending.
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An anti-satellite weapon “Mission Shakti” is displayed during the Republic Day parade in New Delhi, India, on Jan. 26, 2020. Prakash Singh/AFP via Getty Images

There’s widespread concern over the weaponization of space, especially given current geopolitical tensions between the United States, Russia, and China.

The United Nations’ Outer Space Treaty is a guardrail that has prohibited nuclear arms or weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) in orbit or on celestial bodies such as the moon since 1967. At the time of this report, the treaty has 115 parties and 89 signatories.

However, groups such as the Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation say increased militarization efforts in this domain already pose risks to national security.

The center identifies three classifications of space weaponry, including Earth-to-space, space-to-space, and space-to-Earth. Currently, due to restrictions outlined in the Outer Space Treaty, only Earth-to-space weapons have been developed in military arsenals. However, some say growing interest in the latter two categories makes expansion into these areas inevitable.

“Converging trends make the proliferation of space systems likely. The miniaturization of satellites combined with falling launch costs and the commercialization of the space industry means that more players are entering the space game—not all of whom will use space for peaceful purposes,” the Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation stated in a 2023 fact sheet.

The organization added that due to a lack of clear regulations and ambitious government regimes, militaries are already pushing the boundaries of acceptable space behavior.

“This could mean greater chances of conflict in the future as outer space is increasingly congested with dangerous capabilities,” the group said.

Within the three categories of space weaponry are four different types. The Center for Strategic and International Studies project Aerospace Security identifies these as kinetic physical, non-kinetic physical, electronic, and cyber.
The 2024 Secure World Foundation report noted, “The growing use of, and reliance on, space for national security has also led more countries to look at developing their own counter-space capabilities that can be used to deceive, disrupt, deny, degrade, or destroy space systems.”
This is underscored by a National Air and Space Intelligence Center report, which states, “Foreign competitors are integrating advanced space and counter-space technologies into warfighting strategies to challenge U.S. superiority and position themselves as space powers.”
Pentagon officials maintain that a competitive edge in space weaponry is necessary for the United States because evidence suggests that Russia is looking to do the same.
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A Long March 7Y4 rocket carrying the Tianzhou 3 cargo ship to deliver supplies to Tiangong space station is launched from the Wenchang Space Launch Centre in Hainan Province, China, on Sept. 20, 2021. STR/AFP via Getty Images

Space-Based Threats

In April, U.S. Representative to the United Nations Linda Thomas-Greenfield expressed concern over Russia blocking a “straightforward resolution” that would legally forbid the nation to launch WMDs into orbit.

“Of course, this is not the first time Russia has undermined the global nonproliferation regime. Over the past few years, Russia has irresponsibly invoked dangerous nuclear rhetoric and walked away from several of its arms control obligations. It has remained unwilling to engage in substantive discussions around arms control or risk reduction. And it has defended and even enabled dangerous proliferators,” Thomas-Greenfield said.

The same concern was highlighted by U.S. Department of Defense press secretary, Maj. Gen. Patrick Ryder in a May 21 press briefing.

“Russia launched a satellite into low Earth orbit that we assess is likely a counter-space weapon presumably capable of attacking other satellites in low Earth orbit,” he said.

“Russia deployed this new counter-space weapon into the same orbit as a U.S. government satellite,” Ryder stated, adding that the United States has a “responsibility” to protect and defend the space domain.

On March 1, Russian news reported that President Vladimir Putin denied claims of planning to launch nuclear weapons into space, calling them “fake news.” However, the Russian head of state said space should remain in the spotlight of the government.
China also has significant counter-space abilities, according to a 2024 report published in the Journal of Strategic Studies. The authors said China is “bolstering space deterrence through offensive weapons, as well as more resilient and redundant space systems.”
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The report noted that Beijing prioritizes “soft-kill counter-space capabilities” that can be used in the early stages of a conflict, thus lowering the risk of an escalation. A soft kill is often a preventative measure aimed to render an incoming threat, such as an anti-tank missile, ineffective or inaccurate.

“Our findings highlight how first-strike stability in space differs from robust to tenuous depending on means and targets, with soft-kill attacks being harder to deter,” the study authors said.

And with 650 satellites in orbit, China is second only to the United States in terms of its fleet of celestial hardware.
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Russian President Vladimir Putin delivers a speech during his visit to the Vostochny Cosmodrome spaceport in Russia's far east region on April 12, 2022. Yevgeny Biyatov/Sputnik/AFP via Getty Images

At the same time, poorly defined language in the existing Outer Space Treaty (OST) has the potential to be exploited and create near term threats, according to legal experts.

Tsukerman believes the existing OST isn’t enough to prevent an arms race in space.

“The OST needs to be revised with an eye towards, at the very least, having sufficient defensive capabilities against rogue military threats,” she said.

Written at a time when the idea of countries fighting each other in space was mere science fiction, the OST contains language that Tsukerman says is open to interpretation.

“It should then delineate the specific types of military activity or dual action activity that would be prohibited, how it can be monitored and enforced effectively, and what happens if the international monitoring and enforcement mechanisms fail, as they have failed all too often,” she said.

Nick Storrs, partner at the international law firm Taylor Wessing, also views the current OST language as a problem.

“While Article IV prohibits placing nuclear weapons or WMDs in orbit or on celestial bodies, it does not adequately cover other military uses such as reconnaissance satellites or cyber warfare capabilities that could exploit ambiguities within current treaty language,” Storrs said in an article published on global law firm Taylor Wessing’s website.

“Even the current prohibitions on the use of space for major military activity may be inadequate for the modern day without clear and refreshed enforceable commitments,” he said.

But even with an updated treaty, Tsukerman believes it may be a wasted effort.

“I think prohibiting military space activity is futile because it puts law-abiding states at a disadvantage before powerful rogue regimes, which under various pretenses can ignore, misinterpret, or withdraw from this treaty and refuse to be bound by international law,” she said.

Meanwhile, Ellis says space already presents a security concern due to increasing reliance on equipment based in low Earth orbit.

“It’s an emerging warfare area, but we’re already there. Just about all the systems we have for communications and navigation are in space, even before you get into exotic weapons,” he said.

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The Artemis I Space Launch System rocket and Orion spacecraft at Launch Complex 39B at NASA's Kennedy Space Center in Florida on June 14, 2022. NASA

Nevertheless, space-based conflict is something the U.S. government has anticipated for decades.

In a 1999 CADRE paper, former U.S. Air Force Maj. William L. Spacy II said, “Another line of argument in favor of space-based weapons, or at least an argument for why they are inevitable, devolves from the fact that every environment accessible to man has eventually become an arena for combat.”

Regarding counter-space initiatives, Ellis said, “Just about anything you can imagine can be explored.”

Tsukerman suggests that any government’s space initiatives will likely mirror its activities on the ground. In some cases, this is good news. But when it comes to malign actors or authoritarian regimes, Tsukerman said, expect the same behavior in space.

“Expecting anything different, such as resolution of disputes through legal action or political deliberations as opposed to military activity, is an exercise in futility. It’s only a matter of time before prohibitions are violated, starting with small encroachments that fall into gray areas,” she said.

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