More Chinese students held “anti-Japanese” protests in several    cities—all far away from Beijing—last weekend, after tens of thousands    had taken to the streets on the previous weekend. And while these    protest marches were not as large, the focus at some of them has begun    to shift from the disputed Diaoyu Islands toward China’s domestic    problems.
After the large-scale protests during the middle of   October, Hong Kong’s Apple Daily  said that these were not spontaneous   outpourings of common sentiments,  but instead were organized by   government-supported student  organizations. Some predicted that this   politically calculated move  could get out of control and turn against   the regime. In some areas this  is exactly what has happened, and the   regime is now doing everything it  can, short of using violence, to   prevent further protests.
Some  small-scale anti-Japanese   protests broke out in Lanzhou (Gansu Province)  and Baoji (Shaanxi   Province) on Oct. 24. However in the Baoji protest,  some people were   holding banners with slogans protesting high housing  prices and   corruption. Several hundred people, most of them young,  participated in   the Lanzhou protest. A small student gathering also took  place in   Nanjing (Jiangsu Province), the BBC said. 
Japan’s   Asahi TV  showed footage from the Baoji protest: banners that read   “Protest High  Housing Costs” and “Brother Ying-jeou Mainland China   Welcomes You,”  referring to Taiwan’s president Ma Ying-jeou. The report   also said that  local schools had been closed.
According to a   report by Japanese JiJiPress,  another protest of around a thousand   people took place on Oct. 23 in  southwest China’s Deyang City, and some   of the participants clashed with  police. Reporters from Japan and a   few other media were also detained  for “safety reasons.” Official   Chinese media did not directly report on  the matter.
School Lockdowns
After the large scale student protests on Oct. 17, 18, and 19, authorities in Baoji and other cities extended classes at schools through the weekend and guarded campus gates to prevent large numbers of students from leaving, and to prevent larger protests, the Associated Press reported. All Internet posts related to the protests have also been quickly deleted.
A student from Xi’an Jiaotong University who wished to remain anonymous, confirmed that students leaving campus grounds need to show guards special purpose leave slips signed by a counselor, head teacher, or department authorities. “[School lockdown] does exist. Protests happened in Xi’an, so many schools are under lockdown,” he said. “It’s most serious in places like Xi’an and Zhengzhou.”
Japan’s Kyodo News  reported that over a thousand   people in Deyang (Sichuan Province) also  took to the streets on Oct.   23, and that authorities called it illegal  as there was no permit   issued.
On Sunday afternoon, Oct. 24, People’s Daily  online, the   regime’s official mouthpiece, published a signed commentary  that   called on the students to “express their patriotism rationally and  in   accordance with the law.” The article repeated the Chinese Foreign    Ministry spokesman’s recent speech about “maintaining reform,    development, and stability.”
Secret Agreements
The    uninhabited islands chain at the center of a bitter territorial dispute    is called Diaoyu in Chinese, and Senkaku in Japanese.
Japanese   magazine Aera,  owned by the country’s second largest newspaper Asahi   Shimbun, reported  on Oct. 18 that China and Japan had signed a secret   treaty while  Junichiro Koizumi was prime minister. The treaty states   that China will  not allow any Diaoyu activists to sail to the area, and   Japan will not  detain any Chinese unless it develops into a case of   grave concern.
The  Chinese Foreign Ministry kept silent for two   days and only denied the  existence of the treaty on the third day. The   regime, however, cannot  deny the fact that it has not let any ship go   out to defend the Diaoyu  Islands for a long time.
In   the past several years  Beijing did ban anti-Japanese boats from   sailing to the islands, but  brought out its sovereignty claims   periodically—often on high profile  occasions.
Cao Changqing, a   political commentator, said in an  article that the regime has signed   two important documents with Japan:  the 1972 Sino-Japan Joint Statement   and the 1978 Sino-Japan Treaty of  Peace and Friendship. Neither   mentioned territorial dispute or the  Diaoyu Islands. The regime’s   leaders, from Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, to  Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao,   have all given up on the cause.
Protesters Shifting Focus
Analysts    say the Chinese regime is very embarrassed by this recent media leak,    and fears that continuation of the anti-Japanese protests may turn  into   anti-government protests.
Former Chinese diplomat and  defector   Chen Yonglin believes it is possible that such a secret  agreement does   exist even though Beijing denies it. “The Chinese  regime fears the   student protests might shift to target it [the  regime].”
Chen told The Epoch Times there have been instances where patriotic student parades have ended up affecting the regime.
“They    could transform into a democratic movement; the students also have    their own independent thoughts,” Chen said. “In mainland China, if the    protest is controlled by the Chinese government, it can be allowed to    continue. However, when the students no longer follow orders and start    to protest out of their own will, and when public opinion can no  longer   be controlled, the government will start suppression.”
Zhu  Yufu,  a founding member of the China Democracy Party said in an  interview  with The Epoch Times that the Chinese regime is scared, and  “every  little thing puts it in a panic.”
Zhu  pointed out that  the 1989  Tiananmen Square student movement began with  students  marching to honor  deceased regime leader Hu Yaobang who wanted  to  fight corruption  through political reform.
“The corruption of   that time was not  on the same level as today’s corruption. Now there  are  more social  problems, more unemployed people. They [the Communist  Party  leaders] do  not have the guts to take measures, or courage to  make  changes.  Instead, they desperately try to use the need for social   stability as  an excuse to override everything else, and to solidify  its  ruling  position. They actually have a doomsday mentality.” 



