Ah-ha! I thought. So that’s where the Times’s crack team of investigative reporters looking into election fraud have been for the last five months: J.M. Tate High School in Escambia County, Florida.
No doubt it’s important for Times readers to know that Emily Grover, 17, was illegitimately elected as homecoming queen at J.M. Tate last October because her mother, Laura Rose Carroll, 50, an employee of the school district, was able to stuff the electronic ballot box. Yet, I couldn’t help wondering if the article’s author, Patricia Mazzei, might not have been better employed looking into the elections that have been held since Tate-gate in the neighboring state of Georgia.
It’s headed “Media’s Entire Georgia Narrative Is Fraudulent, Not Just the Fabricated Trump Quotes.”
“The Washington Post,” wrote Mark Hemingway, “anonymously printed fabricated quotes they knew were from a second-hand source in the office of a political enemy, couldn’t confirm the quotes with additional sourcing, still attributed them to the sitting president of the United States, used those quotes as a basis to speculate [that] the president committed a crime, and the Democratic party would later repeatedly cite the bogus article when attempting to impeach Trump for ‘high crimes and misdemeanors.’”
Moreover, numerous other once-respectable media outlets claimed to “confirm” the Post’s fabricated quotes by citing their own anonymous sources, “including NBC, ABC, USA Today, PBS, and CNN.”
As Mark Hemingway notes, “The conclusion [that] a sitting president may have committed a crime is still in the corrected story.”
The Post and its Trump-hating allies in Georgia appear to take as relaxed an attitude to media malpractice as they do to election fraud.
But as Mollie Hemingway points out, the Post’s contribution to the more general misdirection of inquirers into the Georgia elections is only the tip of the iceberg. Raffensperger’s office and other state election officials weren’t only not interested in looking into allegations of election fraud in the state, but they threw up roadblock after legal roadblock to prevent the Trump campaign from doing so.
They were also compliant, she notes, with a pre-election legal action by Perkins Coie, the Democratic-allied law firm behind the Russian “collusion” fraud, to relax the state’s election laws with respect to signature-matching and other security measures on absentee ballots.
At this distance of time, we will probably never know what really happened on election night(s) in Georgia. How many more laptop “trash” files will have been permanently deleted in the wake of the Post’s “correction” of its Fake News?
But the legacy of the state’s monumental screw-up in 2020 lives on in the federal election regulation legislation long on the Democrats’ wish-list and now reintroduced in the new Congress as H.R. 1—though its Democratic sponsors prefer to call it the “For the People Act of 2021.”
It kind of makes you wonder if there’s something more to such outrageous language than just hatred of Republicans. Could this be, like the “impeachment” narrative that the Post’s fake quotations were meant to serve, another attempt at misdirection to cover up Democratic corruption of the electoral process?
Now that they’re trying to write that same effort into federal law, binding on all states, the escalation of their hate speech against Republicans suggests that it’s getting harder and harder for them to keep up the fiction that Republican counterefforts to preserve election integrity are really just an excuse for “voter suppression” against “communities of color.”
